Title: Charles Sturt - His Life and Journeys of Exploration
Author: J. H. L. Cumpston
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Charles Sturt - His Life and Journeys of Exploration

by

J. H. L. Cumpston

Published 1951

Anybody might have found it, but His whisper came to me. --The Explorer: Kipling.

This book is dedicated to
MY WIFE
who has shared in the collection
and preparation of the material
upon which it was written

CONTENTS

Preface
Introduction
I The Early Years
II First Years in Sydney
III The Macquarie Marshes
IV The Second Expedition
V Norfolk Island and England
VI Life in New South Wales
VII First Visit to South Australia
VIII The Period of Governor Gawler
IX The Period of Governor Grey
XThe Central Australian Expedition
XI End of Life in South Australia
XII Last Years in England
XIII Tributes and Memorials
Epilogue
Appendix A
Appendix B
Appendix C
Appendix D
References
Acknowledgments
Acknowledgments of Illustrations
Index

ILLUSTRATIONS

1. Murray Mouth showing also Goolwa Channel,
2. Captain Charles Sturt
3. Governor Ralph Darling5
4. Sir Thomas Mitchell
5. The Macquarie Marshes from the Air
6. The Bluff End of Cookbundoon
7. Title-page of book presented to Dr Gibson
8. Meadow Creek at Gunning
9. The Devil's Pass, Mundoonen Range
10. A Remarkable Hill called Pouni, Mt Bowning
11. Dunderalligo Creek
12. Sturt Monument at Gundagai
13. The Murrumbidgee from Jugiong Hill
14. Billabong near Wagga
15. Cypress Ridge near Narrandera
16. The Murrumbidgee between Hay and Maude
17. Sturt Monument at Mildura
18. Murray River Cliffs near Tareena
19. Fossil Cliffs on Murray River
20. Relief Plaque on Pylon at Goolwa Barrage
21. Monument to Sturt and Barker on Hindmarsh Island
22. Sturt's Land at Ginnindera, near Canberra
23. Northern Boundary of Sturt's Grant, Ginnindera Creek
24. Sturt's Home at Varroville
25. Silver Vase presented by Survey Staff
26. Sturt's Home at Grange, Adelaide
27. Sturt in Middle Life
28. Departure from Adelaide of Central Australian Expedition
29. Country East of Broken Hill from the Air: Stephen Creek Timber in Background
30. Plain from Old Fowler's Gap Hotel
31. A Rocky Glen - Depot Glen
31a. A Pond shaded by Trees and Cliffs - Depot Glen
32. Preservation Creek where Sturt camped, showing considerable recent silting
33. Cairn on Mount Poole
34. Poole's Grave at Preservation Creek
35. Cemetery at Preservation Creek which includes Poole's Grave
36. Typical Dry Sandy Bed of Creek
37. Sturt's Stony Desert
38. Goyder's Lagoon
39. The Diamantina Plain
40. Kuddaree Waterhole, Mulligan River
41. Tree at Fort Grey
42. Looking North over Cooper Creek showing Innamincka Police Station
43. Cooper Creek at Nappa Merri Station
44. Title-page of book presented to Sturt's son, Charles
45. Sturt in the Years of his Retirement
46. Sturt's Last Home in Cheltenham
47. Statue to Sturt in Adelaide
48. Water-bottle carried by Sturt on his Last Expedition
49. Mr Beasley Unveiling Tablet on Sturt's Last Home
50. Mr Beasley Placing Wreath on Sturt's Grave, 1948

MAPS

The Inland Rivers as known in 1828
Routes followed on the First Expedition
Plan of Beemery "Island"
Locality of the Depot on the Murrumbidgee
The Inland Rivers as known in 1830
Location of Sturt's Original Grant near Canberra
Sturt's Mittagong Property
Sturt's Land at Grange
Route North from Broken Hill
Portion of Counsel Tracing
Route North from Milparinka
Route North-west to Simpson Desert
Routes of the Three Expeditions

NOTE ON THE REFERENCES

Key to Abbreviations:

Life: Life of Charles Sturt by Mrs. N. G. Sturt. Smith, Elder and Co. 1899.

H.R.A.: Historical Records of Australia. Pub. by Commonwealth Government.

Mit. Lib.: Mitchell Library Papers.

Sturt Papers: Papers in the possession of Sturt's grandson, Captain G. C. N. Sturt, which were presented to Rhodes House Library, Oxford, on 24th November, 1948.

Two Exp.: Two Expeditions into the Interior of South Australia during the years 1828, 1829, 1830, 1831 Charles Sturt. Pub. Smith Elders 1833.

Narr. Cent.: Narrative of an Expedition into Central Australia: Charles Sturt. Pub. T. and W. Boone, 1849.

Archiv., S.A.: Archives Department, Adelaide.

R.G.S.S.A.: Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society, South Australian Branch.

R.A.H.S.: Transactions of the Royal Australian Historical Society, N.S.W.

ebook producer's note:

The chapter notes in the book appeared at the end of the book and they have been reproduced at the end of this ebook. However, in this ebook the notes have also been placed in square brackets at the end of the paragraph in which they are referenced. The reference method [c-n] refers to the chapter number and the note number within the chapter.

Notes which appeared in the book at the bottom of a page appear in round brackets at the end of the paragraph in which they are referenced. The reference method is an asterisk.

PREFACE

There is this difference between science and history: each scientific discovery brings new knowledge: by contrast, facts uncovered and recorded by the historian were invariably known to some people at some time: sometimes widely known and well recorded at the time.

But these facts may have become obscured or forgotten, or even as recorded may have acquired a new interest or significance.

Therefore, while there is in the story now presented nothing that is literally new; and although the story of Sturt's life has been told with skill and affection by his daughter-in-law, Mrs. Napier (Beatrix M.) Sturt, there is some justification for this new attempt to tell the story.

Mrs. Sturt's Life of Charles Sturt was published fifty years ago, has long been out of print, and copies are difficult to obtain, except in libraries. This is even more true of Sturt's own publications describing his expeditions down the Macquarie and Murray Rivers, and into Central Australia.

For these reasons the present generation of Australians cannot easily learn the story of one who played a courageous and altogether notable part for twenty-five of the most fateful years of the early period of our nation's history.

Also, even if the public had easy access to these books, it is difficult to relate the routes followed by Sturt to modern place-names, and the story is much more interesting when it can be followed step by step on a modern map.

Mrs. Sturt, also, was under a great disadvantage in never having visited Australia.

But the main consideration which, in the author's opinion, justifies the presentation of this "twice told tale" at this time, is that while the beliefs, ideals and aspirations which for centuries have inspired man's nobler efforts have become temporarily submerged in the struggle for survival, a book like this, which tells the story of a man whose ideal was service, and who was prepared to die in that service, might be timely, and might even be welcomed by a large body of young readers.

Canberra 1951

INTRODUCTION

While it is true, as already stated, that this book contains little that is new, yet documents have come to light, letters have been collected; and through these, and the other varied channels by which history is revealed, information beyond that available fifty years ago can now be consulted.

The continuous and patient work of the Royal Historical and Royal Geographical Societies, and of many individuals, has determined points of detail and settled topographical locations, so that the principal task in a work of this kind is the assembling of material already available.

One point should be stated here. In naming places, particularly streams, Sturt used the old style of possessive adjectives, for example, Cooper's Creek: geographers have, however, agreed that this style shall be replaced by the simple name, such as Cooper Creek. This modern style has, therefore, been followed throughout. That it has, occasionally, unfortunate results, must be recognised, for example, "Flood Creek" conveys a wrong impression concerning the origin of the name.

The maps in this volume are not cartographically accurate, but they do convey correct information adequate for the general reader.

CHAPTER I - The Early Years

About the middle of May 1827 the ship Mariner was forging eastward with long lunges driven by a strong cold wind under a wet dead sky: no one on board without previous knowledge would have guessed that the bright land of their new life was then to the north of them.

Standing by the port rail of the quarterdeck was one man who knew it; and whose memories and forebodings were stirred by the knowledge. For him the warm sunlight of Cape Town was fading to a pleasant dream, the sullen rollers a depressing illusion of immobility and desolation, and the solitary albatross a symbol of life spent in ceaseless movement with an uncertain goal and an unknown destiny.

These things affected his thoughts and produced a mental depression which was to recur more than once in later life.

He was a professional soldier--a captain of the 39th Regiment of Foot--and as he looked back to the west he reviewed the past and all that he was leaving. His career as a soldier began when, at the age of eighteen years, he had, through the patronage of the Prince Regent, been gazetted ensign in the 39th Regiment. Service in the Pyrenees against the French was followed by service in Canada against the Americans, soon ended by the hurried recall of the regiment after Napoleon's escape from Elba. As they arrived in France after Waterloo the regiment served as part of the army of occupation in France until the end of 1818.

He had had, therefore, five years of varied experience--the first two on service under active warfare conditions, the last three on garrison duty.

From 1818 to 1825 the regiment was on duty in Ireland, without incident especially affecting his personal career but involving long delay in military promotion. He was twenty-eight years old when he, at last, became Lieutenant; and, at thirty, he became Captain. Then, removed from Ireland to Chatham, he was sent in charge of a detachment of the regiment as guard over convicts on this present voyage to New South Wales, which had begun in December, 1826.

He remembered his boyhood and his family life. He could barely remember his childhood in India as he had been, in his fifth year, sent with his elder sister to England to live with their mother's sisters. A happy childhood lasted until his fifteenth year when,, on his parents' return to England, he was sent to Harrow. Memories of his happy days with his uncle Charles, who taught him the management of small boats; with his sister Susan, with his cousin Isaac Wood, were clouded by the unhappiness and misfortunes of his father, Napier Sturt.

Napier Sturt was a judge in Bengal under the East India Company, and it was shortly after his marriage that the prospects of easy wealth, which was the main attraction to India, had been greatly reduced by the impeachment of Warren Hastings. His second son, Charles, was born on 28th April, 1795, in the, very month of Hastings' acquittal.

A large family--there were eight sons--unsuccessful speculation, failure of an Indian bank, gravely affected the economic position of the family and saddened the family life.

He remembered with quiet satisfaction that in respect of family and ancestry he was, in the standard of those times, of "good birth." The Sturts and the Napiers were Dorsetshire county families of standing. But he remembered that his grandmother was a confirmed gambler for high stakes and that all her fifteen children, including his own father, were distinguished for good looks, fine manners, and the fatal habit of being in debt.

All this passed through his mind as he stood there. He, a soldier without influence, for whom promotion had already been very slow, was posted on service in a lonely outpost at a time when there seemed no possibility of war, with its chances of quick promotion, and no prospect of promotion otherwise. He was in his thirty-third year, with no hope of marriage on his pay. And he had already in his mind prejudged and condemned this new country which, as yet, he still could not see--he condemned it because of the uninteresting nature of the military service there; and because of the character of the population--the majority being convicts.

He admitted later that these prejudices were formed in complete ignorance of the real conditions, but his depression as he shivered in his great coat was real enough.

The master of the ship, sensing this, came over from the other side of the deck and told him that within the next few days they would have turned the corner and would be moving northward into, if the glass did not lie, calmer seas and warmer weather. And so it was; within a few days the ship was moving northwards under full sail driven by a southerly breeze, yielding easily to the gentle Pacific swell, and the young army officer, well forward on the forecastle deck, enjoying the warm sun, was examining all that he could see of this new country.

Behind the flat, heavily-timbered coast were the ranges, sometimes coming down to the sea, sometimes very distant, but always dominating the landscape. No one on board could tell him what was behind the ranges, but he wondered with that wonder which was to be the consuming passion of his life.

For two or three days the weather remained bright and fresh, but, on the morning of 23rd May* the wind changed to a light north-easterly breeze, and on a crisp bright autumn morning the ship turned in between South Head with its Macquarie Tower and the bold, flat face of North Head. The ship moved gently up the Harbour, taking in sail after sail until she came to anchor in Sydney Cove, and Charles Sturt came to the country which was to be his home for twenty-six years, and his major interest for life. With him came his faithful soldier-servant Joseph Harris, who "would never leave him."**

(* Both Mrs. Sturt and Sturt himself give other dates; but this date is correct.)

(** See Appendix D, Note 1.)

Sturt wrote of his own feeling on this occasion:

[1-1]"With mingled feelings I gazed for the first time on the bold cliffs at the entrance to Port Jackson, nor did I anticipate anything equal to the scene as we sailed up that noble and extensive basin. The fact was, I had not conceived, from anything I had read or heard that, in that remote region, so extensive a town could have been reared in so brief a period. It is the very triumph of human skill and industry over Nature.

[1-1. Life p.22.]

"In a climate so soft that man scarcely requires a dwelling, and so enchanting that few have left it but with regret, the spirits must needs be acted upon, and the heart feel lighter. Such, indeed, I have myself found to be the case; nor have I ever been happier than when roving through the woods or wandering along one of the silent and beautiful bays for which the harbour of Port Jackson is celebrated."

He never lost this admiration and affection for Australia.

This young man, whose name will be always part of Australian history, was 5 feet 10¾ inches in height, and had brown hair, bright blue eyes, an aquiline nose, and sensitive, rather humorous mouth.

CHAPTER II - First Years in Sydney

It may be assumed that, having reported himself to his commanding officer, Colonel Lindesay, disposed of his detachment of soldiers, delivered the convicts, and taken up his quarters in barracks, he made his duty call on the Governor, General Ralph Darling.

From that moment he could not escape the obligation of making a decision as to where his sympathies and loyalties would be; from that moment he was drawn, even if he did not fully realize it at first, into the net of Civil Service officialism and intrigue in which his personal interests suffered, and from which he was never again entirely free.

His call on the Governor would have been made straight into a familiar "army" atmosphere. With the Governor he would have met Darling's two brothers-in-law, Henry and William Dumaresq--all three of them army officers, Henry being now Clerk to the Executive Council; and he would soon have realized that Darling was facing his difficult task with a very rigid official attitude. For Darling's task was difficult: his instructions were to develop the more democratic system of local autonomy introduced in 1824 and to encourage local civil responsibility. In this he failed to please either those who were opposed to change, or those who demanded even greater changes. Sturt may have heard of the memorial presented to Darling on his arrival in 1825, telling him in rather forcible terms that there were locally-born Australians who were fired by a rather self-assertive local patriotism and who, for example, urged in one memorial to the Home[2-1] Government that the mere circumstance of having been born in New South Wales should not preclude them from receiving grants of land. He would have watched the proceedings when Governor Darling took the unusual course in October, 1827, of instituting libel proceedings against Wardell of the "Australian" newspaper.

[2-1 H.R.A. XII. xiii: XII. 147.]

There is no indication that he was, during the first six months of his residence, moved by any of these happenings to ally himself with any of the factions.

Nor is there any indication that he was affected by the social revolution in Europe: Waterloo was only twelve years away, and all Europe, except France, was obsessed with the fear that the "terror" would spread to other countries. Sturt's youth and early manhood saw the gathering of the waters for that great tidal wave of common humanity which was to swell increasingly through, and beyond, the nineteenth century. The first drops of spray from this were being felt in Sydney when he arrived. At this stage there was in him a striking singleness of purpose. But by November, 1827, he had become Military Secretary to the Governor, and this allegiance kept him strictly within the limits of loyalty to Govern. men t House.

In this official capacity he appears only once. On 23rd March 1828, he wrote, by direction, to Captain Robison enquiring[2-2] whether, in letters to England, Robison had made charges against the Governor and, if so, requesting him to furnish copies of the charges. Sturt was not further concerned officially in this matter although Darling felt justified, in April, 1828, in reporting acidly to the authorities in England that Captain Robison's continuance[2-3] in the service could not fail to prove in the last degree injurious to it.

[2-2 H.R.A. XIV. 106.]

[2-3 H.R.A. XIV. 111.]

Other evidence suggests that none of these local matters held any attraction for Sturt, but although he was an officer trained for military career, it is easy to imagine him, with others all round him seeking prosperity by novel means and speculating heavily is livestock ventures, examining his future prospects with some anxiety He had been fourteen years in the army, was thirty-two years old the probability of promotion was small, and the prospect of marriage remote. His mind turned to other possibilities. Writing to his cousin Isaac Wood on 10th November, 1827, he said:

[2-4] "The Governor-General has appointed me his military secretary but in February I take an expedition into the interior to ascertain the level of the inland plains and to determine the supposed existence of an inland sea. This will not be unattended with danger however, it is a most important trust, and if I succeed, as I anticipate, I shall earn some credit. The field of professional ambition is closed upon the soldier during his service in New South Wales though in no case could a career more honourable than that of discovery have been open to me when I landed on Australian shores."

[2-4 Life p.24.]

It seems clear from this evidence that within the first six month of Sturt's life in New South Wales he had decided that exploration was not only attractive for its own sake but offered opportunities for gaining some credit which might prove of material, advantage.

The sequence of events at this period is interesting. Macquarie encouraged by Colonial Secretary Earl Bathurst, had pushed an active policy of exploration of the country behind the coastal ranges Oxley, in 1817, had followed the Lachlan River in its westward and southward course, and had been stopped by marshes. The following year he had followed the Macquarie River northward until he was stopped by the great marsh near Buckinguy and he was confident that, at that point, he was "in the immediate vicinity of an inland sea, most probably a shoal one, and gradually decreasing or being filled up by the immense depositions from the waters flowing into it from the higher lands." Evans of his party had found the Castlereagh flowing north and west.

Next was the Hume-Hovell expedition to the south in 1824 during which were crossed the Murrumbidgee and Murray flowing west, and the Goulburn flowing north.

Then, in 1827, Cunningham travelled north as far as the Darling Downs, crossing the Namoi, Gwydir, Macintyre and Dumaresq Rivers, all flowing toward the centre of the continent.

In view of all this, it is easy to understand that Darling, reporting to Colonial. Secretary Goderich the return of Cunningham and the important results of his expedition, should say:5

[2-5] "I would observe that Mr. Cunningham appears desirous to render the result of his expedition confirmatory of a favourite hypothesis, the existence of an inland sea. This opinion has lately become so general from the reports of the natives that I propose, as soon as the season permits, to endeavour to ascertain the facts."

[2-5 H.R.A. XIII. 619.]

The date of this despatch was 12th November, 1827. The date of Sturt's letter to his cousin was 10th November, 1827: the connection is obvious. But nothing was done at that time.

In May, 1828, Darling received a despatch from London containing a proposal from a Mr. Ballantyne to land on the west coast of Australia about 20 degrees south and, using camels, to cross to the settlement on the east coast. Darling condemned the proposal as not justifying the expense, difficulty, and hazard, and he added:

[2-6] "I have had it in contemplation for some time past to employ an officer in this service who has expressed a strong desire to undertake it: but I have been prevented detaching him by the want of officers to carry on the duties of the garrison. I entertain the hope, however, that circumstances will soon permit of my availing myself of his services."

[2-6 H.R.A. XIV. 199.]

[2-7]Sturt's "strong desire" was sufficiently obvious to be mentioned in the official records of the 39th Regiment, where it is stated that General Darling yielded to the repeated entreaties of Captain Sturt and permitted him to proceed for the purpose of prosecuting the discoveries already commenced by other travellers.

[2-7 Archiv.: S.A. A.663.]

It is hardly surprising that, with exploration and talk of new country constantly before him, Sturt, too, should have his imagination excited. It may not have been an unimportant consideration that Oxley, Hume and Hovell had all been materially rewarded for their services.

The proposal for an expedition dragged on for twelve months, and then, although Sturt was not sent to discover an inland sea, or to follow Ballantyne's proposed route, he was, as Darling advised Sir George Murray on 19th November, 1828, sent on an expedition to ascertain the course and fate of the River Macquarie.

[2-8]Darling advised Murray that Sturt, from his scientific knowledge, appeared to be fully competent to the undertaking and was "ardently devoted to it." Darling thought there was every chance of Sturt's success; but, although he had been in the colony for some time, he had had little opportunity of becoming familiar with the country. Darling stated that, for this reason, he had attached Mr. Hamilton Hume, "an experienced traveller," to the expedition.

[2-8 H.R.A. XIV. 471.]

Sturt's first year in Australia altered his whole life: the change from the rigid conventions of army and county life to the exciting freedom of an unknown continent bred in his active mind a complex of impulses--a love of exploration for its own sake, a desire for the "credit" it would bring, a search for economic security, although never any lust for wealth, a fervent devotion to this country, and running curiously through it all, the lure of the inland sea, an illusive phantasy nagging at his mind for seventeen years until, by an effort of will, on the edge of the Simpson Desert, he freed himself from the illusion and allowed the dream to fade--yet not altogether die, for there were recurrent flickerings as late as 1854 (see Ch. 10--"Could this bank have been over any inland waters?"). But through all this was a dominant motive:

"A wish to contribute to the public good led me to undertake those journeys which have cost me so much. I should exceedingly regret if it were thought I had volunteered hazardous and important undertakings for the love of adventure alone."

His whole life was evidence that this was not vain boasting.

It is of interest to record here the reactions of the civil officials. The person most interested officially was the Surveyor-General Oxley. Macquarie had, ten years before,[2-9] described him as intriguing and discontented. Oxley was one of the party actively hostile to Darling[2-10] and the latter wrote of him that "he is a very clever man; but has been too little controlled and I am satisfied will never submit to the drudgery of carrying on the details of his department." It is, however, to be noted that Darling followed up this comment by recommending his brother-in-law for appointment as Deputy Surveyor-General, as he was desirous of having a person in the Department who would be some check on the indulgence of any disposition which might be felt to favour one party or to oppose another. The date of this letter was 4th September, 1826.

[2-9 Ellis Macquarie p.494.]

[2-10 H.R.A. XII. 256, 535.]

But other influences were at work, and T. L. Mitchell was, on 13th January, 1827, appointed assistant to Mr. Oxley with reversion of the appointment as Surveyor-General. Mitchell arrived in Sydney on 23rd September, 1827, and, on Oxley's death on 25th May, 1828, became Surveyor-General.

It is recorded that Oxley was opposed to private exploring parties, but there is no record of his attitude towards Sturt.

Mitchell's attitude was soon declared. Sturt wrote to him on 30th September, 1828, asking his advice about the forthcoming expedition, particularly as to the route to be followed, adding: "I am endeavouring to obtain information, but from no one would I rather receive it than from you."

Mitchell replied on the same day that, as he had clearly understood from His Majesty's Government that he was likely to be employed on a journey into the interior, it was not very natural that he should welcome the employment of another person on a service which had been considered to belong to the office of his predecessor, but he added: "to you individually, however, I shall be glad to contribute any assistance or advice in my power."

It was ten years since Oxley had done his exploring, and those who had been active in the meantime, Hume and Cunningham, did not belong to the Survey staff.

Here, however, is the earliest indication of the jealousy that was to develop, on Mitchell's side, into hostility.

[2-11 Mit. Lib. A.295.17.21. Note: the point in the text for this reference could not be found.]

CHAPTER III - The Macquarie Marshes

From Sturt's letter to Mitchell on 30th September it is clear that the Governor had by that time decided that Sturt should lead an expedition into the interior; but actually he left it to Sturt to submit a plan of operation, and, for this, careful consideration of alternatives was necessary.

[3-1]Governor King in 1800 had reported that the existence of a sea or strait running from the Gulf of Carpentaria into the southern ocean was a very favourite idea in New South Wales; but Flinders had disproved this by sailing up to the head of Spencer's Gulf.

[3-1 Wood: Discovery of Australia p.500.]

[3-2]Then Macquarie had sent Oxley to follow the Lachlan River, hoping he would be able to trace it to the south-west coast of Australia. However, as already stated, after being baffled by both the Lachlan and the Macquarie, Oxley definitely favoured the idea of an inland sea: but, as he presumed that the Lachlan simply faded out by evaporation and soil absorption, while the Macquarie marshes were on the edge of the inland sea, it is to be assumed that Oxley's advice, so far as Sturt might have sought it, would be to concentrate on the area round the Macquarie River.

[3-2 Ellis: Macquarie p.493.]

The latest advice available to Darling was that of Cunningham, who favoured the theory of an inland sea.

But how did Sturt react to all this? In the letter of 30th September to Mitchell asking his advice, he said:

[3-3] "The Governor has at length allowed me to prepare for the interior. The Governor appears to favour an expedition to the west of Wellington Valley to determine whether our interior still lies under water, and I am inclined to favour it also. I am, however, divided as to taking a southerly or a northerly course, and it is on this point I would more particularly desire your advice, for should you favour the latter, it would be necessary for me to start from Moreton Bay, whereas the former course would oblige me to follow the Murrumbidgee, which I think runs parallel to the Macquarie."

[3-3 Mit. Lib. A.295.17.21.]

This is sufficient to indicate the current ignorance of the geography of the interior. During October Sturt must have received official advice of his commission to lead an expedition, for, on 4th November, 1828, he wrote to the Colonial Secretary[3-4] formally accepting the commission to lead an expedition to determine the fate of the Macquarie by tracing it as far as possible beyond the point to which the late Surveyor-General went, and by pushing into the interior on a westerly course to ascertain if there were any high lands in that direction; it being supposed the country westward was an unbroken land and under water. He then went on to discuss his route. In order to understand his dilemma it is necessary to remember that the fixed idea at the time was that the Castlereagh and Macquarie Rivers flowed north-westward into an inland sea. If, therefore, Sturt, starting from Oxley's last point, were to journey westward he could reasonably expect to be very soon stopped by extensive marshes or the inland sea itself.

[3-4 Sturt Papers.]

Both Darling and Sturt for this reason thought at first that it would be well to follow up the Macquarie marshes northward along their eastern rather than the western margin.

What considerations influenced the discussions during October are not known, but in his letter of acceptance of 4th November Sturt discussed the possibility of finding an uninterrupted flow of the river westward and continuing along this into a level and uncertain country in the interior, his movements being guided by circumstances. But he had to consider the other alternative: "it may not be prudent to risk the health of my men by too long a continuance in the swamps and...in the event of my being unable to penetrate westward I deem it very probable that I shall make Moreton Bay, if after successive attempts to turn the marshes I find they still extend to the northward."

It is difficult to-day to imagine such complete ignorance that the possibility of meeting great marshes or an inland sea anywhere between Nyngan and Goondiwindi could be contemplated.

As an interesting sidelight on the official discussions there is a marginal note on this letter written, presumably, by Darling:

"Quite out of the question he would never reach Moreton Bay."

The discussions were finally concluded with an official minute by Darling (9th November) to Colonial Secretary Macleay directing that Sturt should endeavour to get round the marshes by the westward, as nothing whatever was known of that north-west country, and that Sturt should establish a base to the north of Wellington Valley abandoning ideas of eastward excursions.

Darling directed that instructions should be prepared and Sturt's requisition for supplies were approved. As the experience gained on this expedition very materially influenced Sturt's methods and practice on his later expeditions, and as there is real interest in examining the equipment of such an expedition in those early days, the official instructions issued to Sturt, and the supplies requisitioned by him, are printed in full as an appendix (Appendix B).

Some aspects of the equipment call for comment; there was no spare saddle-horse for either Sturt or Hume, no saddle-horses for the men, only five "breakers" for water, and the clothing must have been of singularly good quality. It is noted, however, that some alterations were made in these numbers, as, in addition to two saddle-horses, there were two for Sturt's own use, and the expedition had seven pack horses and eight pack bullocks.

As they expected to meet large bodies of water they took a boat "of the lightest construction," with sprit sail complete, carried on a light four-wheeled carriage drawn by two bullocks.

It was assumed, correctly, that because of the long drought which began in 1826 and continued with increasing severity until after the expedition had returned, that the marshes, by the water-logged condition of which Oxley had been stopped, would be very much drier and that the difficulties Oxley had met "would be found to be greatly diminished, if not altogether removed."

It is necessary here to mention one point. Sturt himself has left on record that, in respect of longitude observations he was only self-taught, that he went into the interior to explore, not to survey, and he admits the possibility of errors in his observations. This has to be remembered in respect of all his expeditions: there is evidence, too, of occasional printer's errors in his published works: it is, therefore, advisable to rely principally upon topographical features in any identification of places actually visited.

Having received his final instructions on 9th November, Sturt left Sydney the next day. He followed the old road over the Blue Mountains, stopping on the way at Dr. Harris' residence (Sheane) and Sir John Jamieson's place (Regents Ville), overtaking, on the mountains, his men who had been sent ahead.

The party reached Bathurst on 22nd November, having taken twelve days from Sydney.

Here Hume joined them and the party was complete: it included Harris, the faithful servant who had been with him ever since the days of duty in Ireland, the soldiers Fraser* and Hopkinson, and the prisoner Clayton--these four were to be with him again on his journey down the Murray a year later.

(*See Appendix D, Note 1.)

At Wellington Valley an outpost depot had been established in 1826 for the control of bushrangers*; this settlement was on the right bank of the Bell about two miles above the junction of that stream with the Macquarie. Sturt had been instructed to complete all his preparations here with the assistance of the Superintendent, Mr. Maxwell, who was to supply trained bullocks.)

(* Macquarie had first used the term "bushrangers" to describe runaway convicts who were ranging the bush; the term did not at first mean armed robber, though it soon came to have that meaning because of the methods adopted by the runaway convicts.)

The party left Wellington on 7th December, and moved north along the eastern bank of the Macquarie, calling at Gobawlin (Gobalyan) and Dibilamble at the junction of the Tabragar* with the Macquarie.

(* Now spelt Talbragar.)

At Dibilamble they crossed to the western bank of the river to preserve as much as possible the direct line to Mt. Harris. On their northward journey they detoured (12th December) to the west to visit Lake Buddah, finding it abounding in fish, although it had neither inlet nor outlet: Sturt correctly supposed the fish came in during floods. Returning to the river they reached the "cataract" somewhere in the vicinity of what is now known as Rocky Point; here they crossed to the eastern bank, the local aborigines helping with the handling of stores. During this crossing the expedition's barometer was broken.

They reached Mt. Harris on 20th December, having passed the site of the present town of Warren about 16th or 17th December. At Mt. Harris they found the remains of Oxley's camp, and Sturt indulged in those very transient gloomy reflections which seemed to have recurred from time to time on the occasion of each of his expeditions, and he wondered whether he would succeed or fail.*

(* In his published account of this journey, Sturt states: "Only a week before I left Sydney I had followed Mr. Oxley to the tomb." But Oxley died on 26th May.)

After two days at Mt. Harris because of sickness amongst the men, the party moved to Mt. Foster, where they camped (22nd December): the camp being, with reasonable probability, about where Travelling Stock Reserve 27240 is now. Although this was nominally a "base" camp it was, in practice, very little so used. From here Sturt sent two men back with despatches and instructions to bring relief supplies to Mt. Harris to await the return of the main party.

Now began the real business of the expedition--the attack on the marshes. On 23rd December they moved quietly northwards until they were stopped by reeds, through which they forced their way back to the river. Here they were near Buckinguy, probably across the river from Portion II, Parish of Wundabungay.

The immense lake through which Oxley could not travel was thus, at this early stage in their journey, found to be: "a large and blasted plain, on which the sun's rays fell with intense heat." the ground itself, parched to an extreme degree, showing in many places deep and dangerous clefts.

The party remained at this camp from 23rd to 26th December. While the party was stationary, Sturt and Hume rode westwards to the Marra Creek, passing all the time through reed beds.

On the 26th the party moved a short distance northwards and camped again amongst the reeds. The site of this camp cannot be identified. From this camp Sturt, on 26th December, taking two men and a week's provisions, launched his boat: but after proceeding with very great difficulty for about eight miles he was completely stopped by reeds in shallow marshes and had to return to camp at the end of the second day. It is possible that he was on the Monkeygar Creek. While Sturt was away with the boat Hume had scouted to the northward and had returned to the camp with the news that twelve miles to the north he had found a serpentine sheet of water which he was sure was the channel of the river; but beyond this was a still more extensive marsh. Sturt then moved (28th December) the whole camp to this new part of the river. Here he again launched the boat, but after two miles in a natural channel the reeds made any further progress by boat quite impossible. This was the end of all boat excursions, for although they dragged the boat with them for many days they never again used it.

Hope of water travel on the Macquarie having vanished, Sturt decided that his only course was to force a land journey to the northern end of the marshes, and also commence his survey of the western interior. Examination of all available evidence suggests that they were now on the Macquarie near Willan, probably Portion 17, Parish of Wullamgambone.

Sturt and Hume, each with two men, set out on 31st December on independent reconnaissances: Hume to go northwards along the eastern side of the marshes and circle round their northern extremity, while Sturt went in a general north-westerly direction to see what he could find.

Sturt crossed the Marra Creek south of the Big Lagoon and reached the Bogan near Cowga, sighting New Year's Range on 1st January. On the following day he reached and named Oxley's Table Land: from the summit of the Table Land he saw in the distant south-west the hills which he named D'Urban's Group. He then returned to the base camp by a route a little to the east of his outward journey--arriving in camp on 5th January.

Hume, meanwhile, had started on a north-easterly course, crossing the Marthaguy and reaching the Merri Creek, which he followed northward, believing that it would join the Castlereagh; but as it turned sharply to the west and then back to the north-east (about fourteen miles north of Carinda) he decided to leave it and go to the westward. On 3rd January he crossed the Marra Creek probably a little south of Yarrawin, then, taking up a more south-westerly direction; on 4th January he crossed the Bogan somewhere near Cowga and ascended--and named--New Year's Range. Hume then returned to camp, arriving one day after Sturt.

One of Sturt's very rare inaccuracies may be mentioned here.

[3-5] In his Narrative of an Expedition into Central Australia Sturt said:

[3-5 Narr. Cent.: 1.15.]

"The New Year's Creek of my first expedition, so called by my friend Mr. Hamilton Hume, because he crossed it on that day." But this was written in 1848, and Sturt's memory was at fault, for, whereas Sturt himself crossed New Year's Creek (the Bogan) on 1st January, Hume did not cross it until 4th January.

When Sturt and Hume compared notes they found that they had established that there was a northern limit to the marshes and no recognisable outlet for the Macquarie River, that, to use Sturt's own words:

"My journey had enabled me to put at rest forever a question of much previous doubt. Of whatever extent the marshes of the Macquarie might be, it was evident they were not connected with the Lachlan. I had gained a knowledge of more than 100 miles of the western interior, and had ascertained that no sea, indeed that little water, existed on its surface. Although I had passed over much barren ground, I had likewise noticed soil that was far from poor. Yet, upon the whole, the space I traversed is unlikely to become the haunt of civilized man, or will become so in isolated spots as a chain of connection to a more fertile country; if a country exist to the westward."

The accuracy of his judgment is notable. A journey to-day anywhere in the area between Warren, Brewarrina, Bourke and Nyngan bears out, in every mile, every word of that verdict of the first white man to see it.

Also, when they compared their respective routes, Sturt and Hume agreed that their tracks must have been very near each other at the Bogan River. This left open the remote possibility that the lower reaches of the Macquarie had been between the two routes and had been missed by both of them. This was too important a point to be' undecided, and it was also necessary to gain more information as to the nature of the "distant interior": their provisions were getting low and there was no time to lose. They decided to go north along the eastern side of the marshes and turn west as soon as they could force a way through the reeds.

The story of this journey in its geographical aspects can quickly be told. Hume, with the party, moved slowly north and camped on Bulgeraga Creek, while Sturt made a hurried trip to Mt. Harris hoping to find that supplies had arrived there.

On the second day Hume took the party along Bulgeraga Creek till that creek lost itself in the marshes and then continued northwards for another fifteen miles. This would bring them to a point almost due west of Quilbone (perhaps about Portion 3 Parish of Molle).

Here Sturt joined them and immediately took the whole party westwards, forcing their way through the reeds and emerging on to a vast plain.

Leaving this plain (13th January) they went westward to Marra Creek (Sturt's Duck Creek) reaching it at about Narrawin, followed it northerly for seven miles, then turned westward, reaching the Bogan due east of New Year's Range: just before reaching the Bogan they crossed, on the same day, both Sturt's and Hume's tracks of the previous journeys, as they had anticipated. The party camped (17th January) on a water-hole under New Year's Range. From this camp Sturt and Hume made a short journey southerly over the claypan to the neighbourhood of Stony Hills, north-east of Coolabah, returning to the camp the following day to find one of the men, Norman,* missing.

(*See p. 24.)

From this camp the party moved back to the Bogan to a point where a bar of red granite crosses the river. The actual point of contact would be somewhere between Gongolgon and Pink Hills. They followed down the Bogan to a point almost due east of Oxley's Tableland to which they moved on 23rd January. Here the main party camped while Sturt and Hume made a journey to D'Urban's Group. The nature of this group of hills and of Oxley's Table Land evoked in Sturt's mind the concept of these ranges being like islands in the midst of the ocean, "only wanting the sea to lave the base." The inland sea was never far from his mind.

At this point Sturt abandoned all idea of journeys further westward--the water problem had been acute for days. On his return to the camp Sturt moved the whole party (31st January) back to the Bogan to the point where that river turned westward along the course now known as the "dry Bogan": this course they followed westward, and, leaving this river bed in a general northerly direction, came suddenly, on 2nd February, on the great watercourse of the Darling--a "noble river" the water of which was unhappily salt.

"I found it extremely salt, being apparently a mixture of sea and fresh water. Whence this arose, whether from local causes, or from a communication with some inland sea, I knew not, but the discovery was certainly a blow for which I was not prepared."

The point at which Sturt discovered the Darling can be determined with reasonable approximation. It is indicated by three features, a reef of rocks near a considerable loop in the river, a distance of approximately four or five miles from the Darling--dry Bogan junction, and Sturt's comment:

"If I might hazard an opinion from appearance, to whatever part of the interior it leads its source must be far to the northeast or north."

The rock bar which appears to answer Sturt's description was probably at a place described in some of the old records as St. Vincent's Point which was very close to what is now known as Stony Point--the critical point at which the Darling turns sharply from a set westerly course to a permanently south-westerly one.

After crossing the "dry" Bogan the route followed by Sturt is shown in the sketch prepared by Mr. W. K. Glover, of Llandillo Station. This route accords so closely with the description given by Sturt that it may be accepted, in view of Mr. Glover's comprehensive knowledge of the locality, as being reasonably accurate.

Sturt first pitched camp on the Darling at the point where the Llandillo pumping plant is now located about three miles upstream from Stoney Point (the point of first contact is about 8 or 9 miles upstream from Stoney Point): and the point at which Hume found fresh water is, as shown, approximately two miles south of Stoney Point. In "traversing a deep bight" the party must have passed very close to Llandillo homestead, which is located on the sandhill crossed by Hume.

They followed the Darling downstream--passing the site of Bourke about 4th February--until 9th February, when they turned back, having reached a point a little south of Redbank.* Before they left this end point of their journey Hume carved his initials on a tree: these were seen by Mitchell in 1835 and the place was pointed by Mitchell as 53 degrees E. of S. from D'Urban's Group. At this turning point Sturt named the river the "Darling": "to pay by this trifling mark of respect some part of the gratitude I owe to the present Governor of the Colony."

(* See Appendix, Note. 2.)

They had found the water too salt to drink throughout the whole course of their journey down the Darling: "I certainly thought we were rapidly approaching some inland sea": but before they left the Darling he knew that the saltness was due to springs of salt water in the bed of the river.

This lack of water was pressing heavily on them--there had been no rain since they left Mt. Foster--and Sturt felt obliged to return at once to their base. This they did by their outward route without incident--except that on 14th February they had to stop to make some slight repairs to the boat carriage--this boat that was never to be used. On reaching the western edge of the marshes Sturt and Hume rode northward to examine the country in that direction, finding that the reeds gradually disappeared.

On 22nd February they reached camp at. Mt. Harris to find supplies awaiting them: the Macquarie had wholly ceased to flow and now consisted of a chain of ponds.

The party remained in camp until 7th March, Sturt completing his despatches to the Governor.

During this period two short journeys were made.

Hume rode westward more than forty miles, crossing the Marra and the Bogan. He returned reporting that the country was well watered.

Sturt himself made a short journey round the south-west angle of the marshes, and going northwards got to the bottom of the first great marsh (Willan), thus, with all their previous journeys, completing the circuit of the marshes and replacing mystery by knowledge.

There remained one task--a rapid exploration of the country to the north of the eastern aspect of the marshes. Sturt records that they were "determined to make for the Castlereagh agreeably to our instructions." This is perhaps too liberal an interpretation of paragraph nine of the instructions (see p. 170), but it was an obvious objective.

The party left Mt. Harris on 7th Marsh on an E.N.E. course, crossing the Marthaguy a little south of Gradgery, the Merri just south of Upper Neinby, and reached the Castlereagh probably between Riverside and Coonamble. They followed slowly down the Castlereagh from 10th to 29th March: on the latter date they reached the junction of the Castlereagh with the Darling. Sturt was quite sure it was the Darling:

"A single glimpse was sufficient to tell us it was the Darling. At a distance of more than ninety miles nearer its source, this singular river still preserved its character, so strikingly, that it was impossible not to have recognized it in a moment."

At this point Sturt had to consider his future movements. He crossed the Darling and rode north-west, finding nothing but a boundless plain, nothing to encourage him to proceed. There was still no rain--so he started on the return to Sydney. Their point of departure was the junction of the Lower Marthaguy and a creek running northwards from the Macquarie marshes; about a mile-and--half south of this they crossed the tracks made by Hume on his first westward journey, which were still visible.

Working their way southwards, still following the creek bed (which is named on Sturt's maps "the Macquarie Rivulet") they cut their own tracks made on the outward journey to the Darling, and thence down the eastern side of the marshes, reaching Mt. Harris on 7th April. Moving quietly up the Macquarie they reached Wellington on 21st April after an absence of four months and two weeks.

This period of four and a half months was one of sheer hard work unrelieved by any dramatic incident.

One of the men, Norman, was lost in the bush for nearly three days, being without food or water for the whole period: Sturt set fire to the cypress and he was thus guided back to camp. The incident was important, not only in keeping the others from wandering, but in the effect it had on Sturt's precautions in later expeditions.

For food they were dependent entirely on their own supplies: native game was absent, even the aborigines had been driven from this drought-stricken area. As Sturt said:

"How could an European expect to find food in deserts through which the savage wandered in vain?"

The problem of water supply can be appreciated by anyone who has been through this country. To take a party of eleven men with eleven horses and ten bullocks over the country between Warren, Brewarrina, and Bourke in midsummer, after a three years' drought, with every foot of the journey unknown country, would test the qualities of any leader.

"So long had the drought continued, that the vegetable kingdom was almost annihilated, and minor' vegetation had disappeared: the largest forest trees were drooping, and many were dead."

They had to rely on surface water rapidly drying up--even the Bogan was a chain of pools steadily shrinking. Each day water was a recurring anxiety.

"Mr. Hume and myself wandered over upwards of 600 miles more than the main body of the expedition in our constant and anxious search for water."

But, as a good leader, he never left himself without a safe retreat; and, while on occasion his life line may have been stretched to its limit, it never broke.

They were greatly troubled with flies "which settled on us in thousands," and disappeared at sunset: it is the same to-day.

In his encounters with wild aborigines, for Sturt a new experience, he had the great advantage of Hume's life-long familiarity with native customs and mental reactions. Around the Macquarie and across the plains they met few aborigines: with these, patience and a friendly approach were sufficient. On the Darling the natives were more numerous.

"The paths of the natives on either side of the river were like well-trodden roads."

At first these natives, taken by surprise, were hostile and set fire to the scrub; but again friendly advances were sufficient. These Darling River natives were suffering from "a violent cutaneous disease that was sweeping them off in great numbers." When the party was again on the Darling near the Castlereagh junction more natives were met, and, again, relations were quite friendly.

From this expedition Sturt formulated the principles governing contact with wild aborigines.

"The great point is not to alarm their natural timidity; to exercise patience in your intercourse with them; to treat them kindly; and to watch them with suspicion, especially at night. Never permit your men to steal away from the camp, but keep them as compact as possible; and at every station so arrange your drays and provisions that they may serve as a defence in case of your being attacked."

While they may not seem much now when the whole of this country can be covered easily by car, yet, at the time, the results of this expedition were very important.

For forty years there had been vague speculations as to the nature of the "interior": these speculations had absorbed an element of mystery, and even of gloom, by Oxley's discovery of "marshes" as the fate of two main rivers flowing westward. Even if there were no suggestions of bunyips, dragons, or other terrors in the swamps, there was a settled conviction that the interior offered no land for settlement, no prospect of expansion for the pastoral industry that was already rapidly developing.

Sturt, in one sweep, cleared away all these clouds of mystery. The marshes of the Macquarie had been shown to be nothing more than an ordinary marsh or swamp: true it was large, but it had no influence on the country to the westward which, so far from being a shallow sea, was "in itself a table land to all intents and purposes."

The Macquarie was found to continue as a small stream from the north end of the marshes. More than one hundred miles of new country west of the Macquarie had been traversed and its nature determined.

The course of all the rivers in that area--the Namoi, Gwydir, Dumaresq, Castlereagh, Macquarie, and Bogan, and their identity as tributaries of the Darling, had been decided.

Immediately and inevitably came the question--what happens to the Lachlan marshes? Is the country to the south of that covered by Sturt of the same character? What is the course of the Darling below Sturt's last point of contact?

In his manuscript journal of this 1828 expedition Sturt gives his opinion on the fate of the Darling:

[3-6] "Considering the advantages that would probably accrue to the colony should the Darling be found to discharge itself on the South Coast, it is to be hoped that such expectations will eventually be realised; but I fear this river traverses a vast extent of country ere it reaches the sea, if indeed it ever reaches it, for I apprehend that it is turned by high lands, and the union of many rivers in the south-east angle of the island from its original course, to the northward and westward."

[3-6 Mit. Lib. A.1933.]

Sturt appended a map at the end of this journal showing the "supposed course of the Darling." After joining with the Murrumbidgee the river, on this map, turns, just north of 35 degrees S., in a sharp loop and runs away to the north-west.

Sturt had done more than replace an exciting mystery by commonplace fact, and, literally, bring the whole matter down to earth; he had given the people of this young land a new conception of continental dignity which was the, beginning of a vigorous and healthy national pride.

And he had done something to himself:

"The Darling River must be considered as the boundary line to all inland discoveries from the eastward. Any judgment or opinion of the interior to the westward of that stream would be extremely premature and uncertain.

"My knowledge of the interior is too limited to justify me in any conclusion with regard to the central parts of Australia. An ample field is open to enterprise and to ambition, and it is to be hoped that some more decisive measures will be carried into effect, both for the sake of the colony and of geography, to fill up the blank upon the face of the chart of Australia, and to remove from us the reproach of indifference and inaction."

He had surrendered himself to that absorbing interest in the "central parts of Australia," to which he was bound for life. Darling, in his despatch (24th April, 1829) to the Secretary of State, reporting the results of this expedition, commended Sturt's leadership and emphasized the [3-7] "judicious manner and patience and zeal which do him infinite credit."

[3-7 H.R.A. XIV. 607, 721.]

This praise was fully justified.

CHAPTER IV - The Second Expedition

Sturt rejoined his regiment in Sydney on 27th April, 1829, but was restless under the challenge of the still unsolved riddle of the interior. The records of the 39th Regiment state that he "again most particularly requested permission to proceed once more for the purpose of exploring the country in another direction."

Evidently some decision had been taken by September, 1829, for on 17th of that month Sturt wrote to Hamilton Hume a letter of considerable interest: from this letter it seems that both the Governor and Sturt hoped that Hume would again go with Sturt. Sturt wrote indicating his plans:1

[4-1] "I hope my plans will meet your approval: they will lead us direct to the place you wished to make for from Mount Harris, and towards your old route. You will see that we must descend the Darling in boats...as, however, I trust we shall again journey together I will not here enter into particulars."

[4-1 Hume: Overland Journey 1824; 1873 Ed.]

It is obvious that speculation as to the interior was still very confused. While Sturt, realising that its saltness was due to brine springs in the bed of the river, had given up his idea that the Darling discharged into an inland ("Mediterranean" he called it) sea, he still thought it doubtful whether it continued southerly to the ocean or "turned westerly and ran into the heart of the interior."

[4-2] About this time, however, Darling received information that there was a "large lagoon in the neighbourhood of St. Vincent's Gulf."* It is clear that, after the discussions which must certainly have been held, the Governor decided that Sturt should follow the Murrumbidgee down to determine whether it terminated in a marsh, as was considered "not improbable," or united with the Darling, or emptied itself into the sea on the southern coast of the Colony.

[4-2 R.G.S.S.A. VIII 49.]

(* This was Lake Alexandrina.)

Should it be found to terminate in a marsh, Sturt was to proceed overland to the Darling and follow that stream down "as far as circumstances may render desirable."

The first object was to trace the course of the Murrumbidgee, as, if that stream should join the Darling, the combination of these two "considerable rivers" would form a navigable stream opening a direct and, perhaps, easy communication between Sydney and these distant parts of the colony: and, if it should be found, as was not improbable, that the joint stream discharged into the "large lagoon" on the coast there might be direct communication with the sea, although Darling's information at that time was that there was no outlet from this lagoon to St. Vincent's Gulf.

The above represents the substance of Darling's despatch (21st November, 1829) to Colonial Secretary Murray announcing the departure of Sturt's second expedition.

The expedition was based on the plan of following the Murrumbidgee by land as far as practicable, and then launching the boat, continuing by water until they were stopped: it is reasonably certain that Sturt did not anticipate that the boat journey would be as long as it proved to be. The plan of the journey being similar to that of the first expedition, the arrangements were of the same pattern. Instead, however, of a light boat, a whale boat, 25 feet long, with a beam of 5 feet, was first built, dismantled, and, during the land journey, transported in sections.

On this journey more fire arms were taken than on the first expedition, and a small still was carried, for the distillation of water in the event of finding the water of the Darling salt as it was on the previous journey.

Hume did not join the expedition, and the main party consisted of:

Sturt and George Macleay.
Harris, Hopkinson, Fraser and Clayton, who had all been on the first expedition.
Two convicts, Mulholland and MacNamee.
And a small supporting land party.

The expedition left Sydney on 3rd November, 1829. Sturt has recorded the gloomy reflections that seem to have recurred at the outset of each expedition: but this time transient and not very serious:

"I found myself on that delightful morning leading my horses through the gates of those barracks whose precincts I might never again enter, and whose inmates I might never again behold assembled in military array.

"Yet although the chance of misfortune flashed across my mind, I was never lighter at heart, or more joyous in spirit:"

A.--THE OVERLAND JOURNEY
3rd November to 26th December

From Sydney to Gundagai it is possible to follow the expedition's route in terms of the present Hume Highway. Following on Hume's overland journey to Port Phillip five years before, settlers had pushed out with their sheep and had established themselves at Yass, Jugiong, and as far as Gundagai: 'at least one overland party had taken cattle into Victoria, crossing the Murrumbidgee at Gundagai. To this point, therefore, there were primitive tracks to follow--tracks which, naturally, kept close to water.

Sturt, with his party, followed the present Hume Highway to Liverpool, the Cross Roads past Carnes Hill to the old Cowpastures Road, along which they travelled, having the Raby Estate on the right and Varroville, Sturt's home later, about three miles to their left. Near Narellan they would have a choice of roads to Macleay's property at Brownlow Hill in the angle between the Hunter Rivulet and Nepean River. From Brownlow Hill the track kept to the west of the Hunter Rivulet, passing through The Oaks village and, crossing the Stonequarry Creek, entered the present town of Picton from the west just beside the present bridge.

From Picton the road followed practically the present highway through Myrtle Creek, Tahmoor, Bargo, to just south of Yerrinbool where, instead of turning sharply to the right, towards Aylmerton, it kept straight on over the Mittagong Range, leaving the present town of Mittagong about one mile to the west and joining the present highway at Bong Bong. n this section Sturt passed through the property he was later to own.

From Bong Bong the route was that of the present road through Moss Vale and Sutton Forest to the Cross Roads. From this point the old road went south-westwards through the Wombat Brush to the junction of Paddy's River and the Wollondilly River near the present village of Canyonleigh.

Thence they followed the valley of the Wollondilly, passing Lockyersleigh, and the site of Old Towrang on the south bank of the river, crossing a loop of the river, and camping on the river "under the bluff end of Cookbundoon" at Murray's Flats.

The next morning, 16th November, they moved up the Wollondilly River across to the flats known as Mulwaree Ponds between the city of Goulburn and the War Memorial, and followed these flats along to Dr. Gibson's property Tirranna--thirteen days from Sydney to Goulburn.

Tirranna is readily identifiable, as the property is still owned by the Gibson family. From Tirranna, four miles south of Goulburn, the route was westerly over the hills to near the point where the road to Canberra leaves the Hume Highway, and from there the track was, for practical purposes, the same as the present Highway. Sturt comments on-, the Breadalbane Plains, mentions Redall's farm, and notes particularly the "large white masses of quartz rock"--still plainly to be seen to the north of the road.

[4-3] Redall's farm was named Mut-mut-billy--the name still existing as that of a creek in this region. From these plains the Cullerin Range was crossed, and, on the other side of this range, they visited J. K. Hume's* station (Woolowardalla) "on the banks of the Lorn" (Fish River). Leaving Hume's place they camped on Meadow Creek at Gunning. Then to Yass, crossing the Mundoonen Range by a pass which, Sturt said: "is not inappropriately called the Devil's Pass."

[4-3 A month in the bush of Australia. National Library Pamphlets, Vol. IX.]

(* Hamilton Hume's brother.)

At Yass they stayed with Mr. Henry O'Brien at his property on what is now known as O'Brien's Creek and Yass River. After spending a day quietly there they continued their journey, Mr. O'Brien presenting them with eight wethers which were to provide them with a welcome change of diet; and also sending with them an aborigine to guide them to the Murrumbidgee. Then, passing "a remarkable hill called Pouni" (Mt. Bowning) they called at the station of Hume's father (Bowning), and here they left the route of the present highway, turning to the north-west along the present road to Binalong, intending to visit Underaliga, a station occupied by Dr. Harris. This Underaliga[4-4] was almost certainly the place known later as Dunderalligo located near the position of the present Goondah railway station. This brought them on to the head of Jugiong Creek, which they followed down to the point at which the present Hume Highway crosses it by a bridge--which is also the point at which Jugiong Creek joins the Murrumbidgee. This hill is a landmark on the journey. Sturt describes it in his usual terse, accurate way:

[4-4 Information supplied by the Under-Secretary, Lands Department, N.S.W.]

"The Murrumbidgee came down to the foot of this little hill from the south: from the hill on which the hut stands it runs away westward, almost in a direct line."

The hill is easily identifiable--it rises immediately ahead as the Jugiong bridge is crossed going south.

They camped in the middle of the Jugiong plain at about the position of the old cemetery.

This was Sturt's first sight of the Murrumbidgee and his delight at the contrast between it and the Macquarie was great:

"Instead of a river which had almost ceased to flow I now looked down upon a stream, whose current it would have been difficult to breast, and whose waters, foaming among rocks, or circling in eddies, gave early promise of a reckless course."

They followed the river round the bend past the present township of Jugiong, turning over the hills by a steep pass on to the plain from which Cooney's Creek rises. From here, keeping to the east of the present Hume Highway, they made their way over the undulating country till they came down into Muttama Creek Valley, which they followed till they came to where Mingay railway station now stands. From this point they followed along approximately the present private road to Mingay homestead. Here at that time a Mr. Warby* had a station: at this place, which was their last contact with settlement, they stayed that night. The following day Mr. Warby piloted them to the river at Gundagai, probably following the present route of the Hume Highway from near Mingay railway station. Here Sturt had to make a decision. This is the point at which their route, having, from Sydney, been south-west, and known, became definitely west and quite unknown.

(* Sturt spells it Whaby.)

Mr. Warby had assured Sturt that he could not take the carts westward along the river on the north bank because of the rough country, so Sturt decided to cross to the south bank which looked much easier. Copying the method Hume had used on his overland journey, Sturt lashed tarpaulins around the dray body and thus ferried his stores across. The point of crossing can be fixed with reasonable certainty as very near to the present railway bridge--actually the cairn which has been erected there as a monument is very properly located. The date shown on the cairn is, however, wrong--the date was 28th, not 30th November.

In view of the prevalence of nettles on these river flats even to-day, it is of interest to note that, during this crossing, Mulholland, being naked after swimming the river, was severely stung by them.

On 29th November they began their journey westward along the south bank of the river, but had gone only seven miles when the country became impassable for the drays, while the north bank seemed better: so they crossed back to the north bank, which they never again left throughout the rest of the land journey. This crossing was a little to the east of Nangus--the exact point cannot be determined; the only direct evidence is that of the Hon. James Gormley, who has recorded:

[4-5] "When I went to Nangus in 1844 several of the aborigines pointed out Sturt's place of crossing to me."

[4-5 R.A.H.S. 11.39.]

For the next two days progress was slow because of rain, but they managed to travel as far as a "plain which the natives called Pondebadgery." This was Wantabadgery, where they rested for a day, the men catching a number of codfish, the largest of which weighed forty pounds. From Wantabadgery they crossed a range of hills to the westward--very probably along the route of the present road, as Sturt's description would fit this route well enough--coming down to a chain of ponds and serpentine sheet of water. During this day they rose at one point sufficiently high to obtain an extensive view and took bearings on "a solitary double hill bearing S.82 degrees W. distant twelve miles, and another singular elevation that bore S.32 degrees W. called by the natives Kengal." There has been considerable speculation as to the identity of these two peaks; but there can be no certainty.

It seems probable that "the singular elevation" is The Rock, but if this is so it is difficult to identify the point from which the compass bearing was taken. It may be noted that this name [4-6] "Kengal" appears as the name of one of the eminences sighted by Sturt from D'Urban's Group on his previous expedition. The day after these observations had been taken they entered a forest consisting of box-trees, casuarinae, and cypresses on a light, sandy soil, in which both horses and bullocks sank so deep that their labour was greatly increased.

[4-6 Two Exp. 1.212.]

The combination of a serpentine sheet of water and loose sandy soil suggests that they came down from the vicinity of Oura on the 5th December, reaching the sandy flats of Wagga Wagga on that or the following day. If this be so, there is an error or misprint in the compass bearings. The point is not of great importance.

As they proceeded down the river the country became much flatter--they ascended a granite hill (Mt. Arthur) from which they identified a "double hill bearing S.10 degrees W." which was Mt. Galore.

Sturt continued his journey westward, noting the sandhills [4-7] near Berembed Weir, ascending an "inconsiderable elevation" (Bundidgerry Hill), reaching the site of Narrandera on 10th December, and on 11th December "the country on the opposite side of the river had all the features of that to the north of it, but a plain of such extent suddenly opened upon us to the southward, that I halted at once in order to examine it."

[4-7 The author is indebted to Mr. H. B. Rowlands, of Narrandera, for information concerning the section between Mt. Arthur and Narrandera.]

Sturt called this plain "Hamilton's Plains," but that name has been forgotten. The plain is that which is crossed by Yanco Creek, and the spot at which Sturt made his camp on 11th December is on, or very near, Portion 8 Parish of Cudgel, this being the only place at which this plain comes close to the south bank for about half-a-mile: elsewhere the edge of the plain is some considerable distance from the river. This is, on an air-line, between six and seven miles west of Narrandera. Having examined this plain on 12th December they continued their westward journey on 13th December. They had passed all high lands and the interior to the westward presented an unbroken level to the eye. Still low ranges continued to their right and the cypress ridges became more frequent and denser. Now began a fortnight of weary toil. Some extracts from Sturt's own account will give the picture:

"Our route during the day was over as melancholy a tract as ever was travelled. The plains to the north and north-west bounded the horizon--not a tree of any kind was visible upon them. It was equally open to the south, and it appeared as if the river was decoying us into a desert, there to leave us in difficulty and in distress. It is impossible for me to describe the kind of country we were now traversing, or the dreariness of the view it presented.

"Neither beast nor bird inhabited these lonely and inhospitable regions, over which the silence of the grave seemed to reign. We started on the 23rd with the same boundlessness of plain on either side of us, but in the course of the morning we got upon a light, tenacious and blistered soil. The drays and animals sank so deep in this, that we were obliged to make for the river, and keep upon its immediate banks."

On 24th and 25th December they had the same difficulties, struggling over light rotten soil and through fields of polygonum junceum. They had not, for days past, seen a blade of grass.

On 25th December, Sturt, with Macleay, rode northwards to the Lachlan, crossed it, and examined the country to the north of it.* He decided, correctly, that he had arrived at the junction of the Lachlan with the Murrumbidgee, and he held the first key to the solution of the riddle of the rivers.

(* The aborigines, in 1836, told Mitchell of this visit of Sturt to, and across, the Lachlan.)

The exact point of his contact with the Lachlan is indefinite, but is unimportant. The next day, 26th December, brought the necessity for a critical decision:

"On the 26th we traversed plains of the same wearisome description. The wheels of the drays sank up to their axle-trees, and the horses above their fetlocks at every step. In several instances, the force of both teams was put to one dray, to extricate it from the bed into which it had sunk. I was checked in my advance by high reeds spreading as far as the eye can reach, under which the soil is so soft that the drays stuck fast and the cattle knocked up."

They had wandered a little north, away from the river, and had got into the Lachlan marshes--the sponge-like delta into which the Lachlan fans out before seeping its way into the Murrumbidgee.

Here was the Macquarie puzzle all over again, recognized at once by Harris, Fraser, Hopkinson and Clayton as an unwelcome event.

Sturt sent Macleay scouting forward, and, on hearing that the reeds stretched as far as Macleay could see, the party turned south and camped on the Murrumbidgee banks.

Next morning Sturt pushed through the reeds until he could see the open country on the other side, country of a nature similar to that over which they had been travelling for days. There was need for an immediate decision. His instructions were that, if the Murrumbidgee ended in a marsh, he was to go straight across country to regain the Darling.

But did these reed-beds represent the end of the Murrumbidgee?

He had already identified, at least provisionally, the Lachlan, and would be justified in assuming that these reed-beds were of the Lachlan, rather than of the Murrumbidgee.

He could have settled the point by scouting around the reed-beds as he had done on the Macquarie. Actually he did this: he and Macleay rode along the Murrumbidgee banks for some miles. He found that river still deep, its current still rapid, and its banks still high--the whole picture quite different from the flat marshes of the Macquarie. Moreover he was now at least one hundred miles west of all known river courses, including his own first contact with the Darling. He felt convinced from all the evidence that the Murrumbidgee would continue as a river. He had vague information from the local aborigines near Narrandera that there was another stream to the south "to which the Murrumbidgee was but a creek, and that we could gain it in four days."

He had the Darling to the north flowing south-west, the Murray to the south flowing west, and he was on a river flowing strongly to the west, he had good reason for presuming that they must all converge--and, possibly, meet at some point. He could have decided the issue by keeping on with the journey by land, but the nature of the country and the wearied state of his cattle induced his decision to launch the boat and continue the journey by water. When this decision was made, and the party was in camp assembling the boat, he wrote despatches, and also a friendly letter to Hamilton Hume (4th January, 1830) telling him of the dilemma, and of his decision:

[4-8] "Where I shall wander to God only knows. I have little doubt, however, that I shall ultimately make the coast."

[4-8 Life p.58; Hume Overland Journey 1824.]

The party was in camp from 26th December, 1829, to 6th January, 1830, assembling the boat they had hauled from Sydney; and, as this was not large enough to hold all their stores, they felled a local tree and built a small skiff.

There has been much examination of evidence, and considerable speculation concerning the location of this depot, as Sturt called his camp. In his own printed account Sturt gives its position as either twelve or fifteen miles (he gives both figures) above the point where the Lachlan joins the Murrumbidgee. As it is not even possible to identify, with any certainty, the point which Sturt would have accepted as this point of junction, the site of the depot must remain always uncertain.

[4-9] Following the windings of the river twelve miles would be about Portion 42, Parish of Toopuntul. n the other hand topographical features suggest a position near to Travelling Stock Reserve 41069. It would be not unreasonable to say that the "depot" was somewhere near this Travelling Stock Reserve: but it would be unreasonable, on any present evidence, to be more definite. This position is about sixteen miles west of Maude on an air-line.

[4-9 Valuable advice has been given by the Under-Secretary, Lands Department, N.S.W., and Mr. R. B. Ronald, of Nap Nap Station.]

B.--DOWN THE RIVERS TO THE SEA
7th January to 11th February, 1830

All preparations having been completed by 6th January, Sturt selected his party (whose names have been given above), gave instructions to the supporting party, under the control of Robert Harris, to remain at the depot for one week and then return to Goulburn. They killed the last remaining sheep and everything was ready by the evening of the 6th January.

On the morning of the 7th January they said farewell to the returning party and "embarked on the bosom of that stream along the banks of which we had journeyed for so many miles--whether ever to return being a point of the greatest uncertainty."

From the 7th to the 14th January they were travelling down the Murrumbidgee. After passing the presumed mouth of the Lachlan the skiff was holed by striking a sunken log and immediately sank. Some hours were spent in recovering the articles which had been thrown out as the skiff sank: but the worst damage was the mixing of fresh water with the brine in the casks of meat: this was to affect their food supply to a serious degree.

They passed and noted the stream near Balranald connecting with the Yanga Lake. During the last days of this week on the Murrumbidgee the river was contracting, its banks were not so high; and Sturt began to worry that it was going to be a case of the Macquarie and marshes all over again. On 12th and 13th January the channel became increasingly blocked by trees which had been swept down by floods, and whose branches frequently interlocked making passage by the boat very difficult. On the 14th January there was a dramatic change:

"On a sudden, the river took a general southern direction, but, in its tortuous course, swept round to every point of the compass with the greatest irregularity. We were carried at a fearful rate down its gloomy and contracted banks. At 3 p.m. Hopkinson called out that we were approaching a junction, and in less than a minute afterwards we were hurried into a broad and noble river."

They had reached the Murray, and Sturt now held the second key to the riddle of the rivers: the ring was closing fast--the upper Darling, Macquarie, Lachlan, Murrumbidgee, and now the Murray--no longer mysteries, but very unromantic realities.

Sturt was happy; his deductions were being proved, his decision to launch the boats was justified, and they were on a navigable stream, the "high road" either to the south coast or to some important outlet.

From 14th to 21st January they continued down the Murray without incident; Sturt noting that at every creek junction there was an extensive sandbank.

On the 19th January, after having been through a critical meeting with a large tribe of natives, which ended in friendly relations, one man "remarkable for personal strength and stature (see Ch 4: '...who proved to be the remarkable savage I have previously noticed.') showed especially friendly attentions."

About 21st January, in the Redcliffs region, the banks suddenly acquired a perpendicular and waterworn appearance.

On 22nd January, they had great difficulties in the rapids of the Merbein rocks, but got through without damage--the natives watching the proceedings from the banks: then round the Cowanna Bend which Sturt noted.

The party, therefore, passed the site of Mildura on 22nd January.

At this stage the northward trend of the river was puzzling Sturt.

On 23rd January, with a wide river and a fair wind, they hoisted the sail for the first time, and were travelling quickly when, without warning, they saw, ahead, a long sandspit projecting into the river crowded with natives showing every sign of hostility. Just as it seemed probable the party would slip past without trouble, the boat ran aground on the sandbank. The natives crowded up, becoming more excited, and sharp fight at very close quarters was inevitable. At the climax of the tension the "remarkable man" whom they had met on the 19th January appeared on the southern bank, jumped into the river, swam over to the sandbank, and rushing to the foremost native "seizing him by the throat, he pushed him backwards and, forcing all who were in the water upon the bank, he trod its margin with a vehemence and an agitation that were exceedingly striking."

Gradually the natives became quiet. This crisis over, the boat was pushed into deeper water, and, behind the sandspit was a new and beautiful stream, coming apparently from the north. Up this stream they rowed for some miles, then, hoisting the Union Jack and giving three cheers, they sailed again down to the junction. Sturt was satisfied that he was on the Darling "from whose banks I had been twice forced to retire."

Sturt now held the third key to the riddle of the rivers, and the ring was complete, except for the section of the Darling, south of Redbank, from the point where Sturt had left it in 1829. Until this section had been actually travelled (which was not until 1844) there could be no final certainty that this new stream was actually the Darling.

At this junction Sturt named the main stream the Murray River, in honour of Sir George Murray, the Secretary of State for the Colonies: He intended the name to apply to the stream after its junction with the Murrumbidgee, preserving the names already given to the various streams which combined to form the main river. Had this intention been observed the river would have been the "Hume" as far as the Murrumbidgee junction, and the "Murray" below that.

However, by common use, the stream is now known as the Murray throughout, although the map of New South Wales published by the Lands Department of that State in 1933, gives the name of the river as "Murray or Hume River."

There is an ironical aspect about this naming. Sturt named the river the "Murray" in accord with Darling's known wishes, but also because of Sturt's own admiration for Murray as a soldier. But it is recorded of Murray by his subordinates that, as Secretary of State, they had never met with any public officer so totally inefficient.[4-10]

[4-10 Mills: The Colonization of Australia, p.10.]

In his published account of this expedition Sturt states that he placed the junction of these streams at longitude 140° 56' East; but as there is some definite evidence that he did not take any observations on the spot at the time, it seems probable that this longitude was arrived at by calculation later.

The point has some interest in view of the fact that the eastern boundary of the new province of South Australia was fixed at 141° East.

For further discussion of this point, see Appendix D, Note 3.

Before leaving their camp at the Darling junction they had burnt the skiff, and cut the still into copper crescents as presents for the natives.

From 23rd January, when they left the mouth of the Darling at Wentworth, until 8th February, when they passed Murray Bridge, their journey was comparatively uneventful.

On 24th January they passed without trouble the Cadell Rocks below Wentworth. On 26th they passed the outlet stream connecting Lake Victoria with the Murray, and Sturt named it the Rufus River, after Macleay's red head.

Next day, 27th, they saw, and named, the Lindesay River after the Colonel commanding Sturt's own (39th) Regiment: and on 28th they had passed the border between Victoria and South Australia--near Tareena. Sturt described the cliffs in this region: "singular in character, and varied in form: they had the most beautiful columnar regularity: they showed like falls of muddy water that had suddenly been petrified."

On 29th the sharp bend to the southward, in the neighbourhood of Renmark and Berri, gave Sturt great satisfaction: but this was tempered by the beginning of anxiety about the men: their salt meat had been spoiled as already told, they would not eat the river fish which "without sauce or butter is insipid enough," and wildfowl or land game was not easily obtained: the men had little else than flour to eat, and were showing signs of fatigue.

On 30th January they were between Loxton and Pyap and here Sturt noted the beginning of the fossil formation which was to become so distinctive a feature of the river in its lower reaches. At about nine miles from its commencement, where it was only about a foot high, this fossil bank rose to a height of more than 150 feet.

By the end of the day on 31st January they had reached Overland Corner, and, on 3rd February, had turned the North-west Bend at Morgan, having shortly before been told by an old native that the river would soon turn southward to the sea.

On 4th February they had seen some seagulls, and on this day also they were again joined by the old native who, at Morgan, had told them of the change in the direction of the river.

On 6th February they were told by some natives that they were not far from the sea.

Continuing their journey steadily they camped in the neighbourhood of Murray Bridge on 8th February.

On the morning of 9th February they proceeded down the river. At a turn of the stream a solitary rock of coarse red granite rose above the waters, and formed an island in its centre.

"After pulling a mile or two, we found a clear horizon to the south, I, consequently, landed to survey the country. I still retained a strong impression in my mind that some change was at hand, and, on this occasion, I was not disappointed; but the view was one for which I was not altogether prepared. We had, at length, arrived at the termination of the Murray. Immediately below me was a beautiful lake, which appeared to be a fitting reservoir for the noble stream which led us to it. Even while gazing on this fine scene I could not but regret that the Murray had thus terminated; for I immediately foresaw that, in all probability, we should be disappointed in finding any practicable communication between the lake and the ocean, as it was evident that the former was not much influenced by tides."

They camped on the night of 9th February on the eastern side of the outlet of the Murray into the lake; and, on the 10th, sailed with a fair wind to the north shore of Hindmarsh Island, where they camped--the sound of the surf coming gratefully to their ears, for it told them they were near the goal they had so long been seeking, and they promised themselves: "a view of the boundless ocean on the morrow."

This seems to throw some doubt on the literal accuracy of the inscription on the monument on Hindmarsh Island:

"Hereabouts, in February, 1830, Sturt first saw the waters of Encounter Bay."

It was next day, 11th February, that, having reached a spot near the Goolwa Barrage after a fatiguing day of hauling the boat over mud shoals, they finally ended their long boat journey, and walked across the sandhills to the sea. There remained for Sturt only one more task--to determine the ultimate fate of the great body of water that came down the Murray: how did it reach the sea?

The photograph showing the islands in the lake shows clearly the problem facing Sturt. Next morning this was settled. On 12th February Sturt, Macleay, and Fraser walked along the long western promontory to the outlet from the lake to the sea.

Here was the last key, and the riddle of the rivers was a riddle no longer. The nature of the country in New South Wales from the coast to the Darling either was known, or could be assumed with reasonable certainty: and the fate of all the inland rivers was established, with a possible reservation about the unknown section of the Darling.

THE RETURN JOURNEY
12th February to 25th May

Now Sturt had to face the long journey back. His men were very weak, his food supplies were low, he could not count on a relief ship, and there was nothing to be gained by landing and going overland to St. Vincent's Gulf; the men were too weak and the chance of being seen by a vessel were too remote.* There was no alternative to the long pull back: the natives around the lake were very hostile, and they must go without delay. They had taken 36 days on the downstream journey, they must expect a longer journey pulling upstream: they had reason for thinking that the natives might be more hostile than they had been on the downstream journey; indeed they found this expected hostility.

(* See Appendix D, Note 4.)

The homeward journey began as soon as Sturt had returned on the morning of 12th February. Before leaving, Sturt buried a bottle containing a record of their visit: this bottle has never been found: also before leaving, Sturt named the lake "Lake Alexandrina" after the young heiress to the throne. After she became Queen Victoria, Sturt would have had the name changed to Lake Victoria, but this was never adopted*; in Sturt's Narrative of an Expedition into Central Australia, however, he speaks of this lake as Lake Victoria although in other places he uses this name properly for the Lake Victoria which is an overflow from the Murray west of the Darling in New South Wales.

* [4-11] On 15th March, 1843, Sturt wrote to Lord Stanley proposing that the name be changed to "Lake Victoria." On 15th August, 1843, Stanley advised Grey that Sturt was free to change the name if he wished.

[4-11 Public Records Office, London; 1415 South Australia.]

At starting on the 12th February they were fortunate in having a favourable wind, which lasted until 17th February, carrying them without any pulling, across the lake and up the river as far as Swan Reach, travelling up-stream in five days the distance which had taken seven days coming down.

From there, however, it was steady pulling without any relief. Sturt and Macleay both took turns at the oars, and the men became progressively weaker. For fifty-three days this journey continued.

When the wind failed, and the endless pulling had to be faced, they cleaned the boat and then started. From dawn till seven or even nine, o'clock in the evening with an hour for their flour and water lunch, was the daily programme. Occasionally a wild duck or a few fish relieved their monotonous diet. The small amount of sugar had ended on the 17th February, and by 8th March the small residue of salted provisions had also gone.

They reached Morgan on 21st February and, the course now being eastward, the men felt that, at least, they were headed homeward.

On 4th March they passed the mouth of the Darling, their apprehension of renewed trouble with the natives here being unfounded, as the locality was totally deserted. On 16th March they returned to the Murrumbidgee: "to our great joy we turned our boat into the gloomy and narrow channel."

They were troubled in the Murrumbidgee, having difficulty with the short bends cluttered up with fallen timber. They tried poles instead of oars, without success. But here they shot a swan which gave them all a good meal. On 23rd March they reached the depot from which they had launched their boats: there was nothing, it was entirely deserted. The men, who had been expecting relief supplies were gravely depressed--and the hope of relief which had kept them going to this point vanished. Now began the last gruelling section of their long journey.

The intricate navigation of the Murrumbidgee had been infinitely more distressing than the hard pulling up the open reaches of the Murray, for they were obliged to haul the boat up between numberless trunks of trees, an operation that exhausted the men much more than rowing: the river had fallen below its former level and rocks and logs were now exposed above the water.

To make things even worse as they toiled upstream from the depot the flood water came down, the river rising six feet in one night. For seventeen days from the depot they endured this ordeal, the men passing even beyond the limits of endurance, but never complaining; until, on 11th April they reached their old camp opposite Hamilton's Plains (Narrandera) and here they stopped.

Their provisions were nearly finished, and would have been altogether so if they had not been so fortunate as to kill several swans.

Sturt decided to abandon the boat and finish the journey on land: but as the provisions were so short, and the men so weak, he sent Hopkinson and Mulholland forward on foot to Wantabadgery, believing that Robert Harris would be there with relief supplies.

In the meantime the rest of the party remained in camp. The two men left on 12th April and returned on the 18th April. In camp the last ounce of flour had been served out and all preparations made for a desperate forward move by the main party. The two men, however, had returned with supplies and Sturt's worries were ended. These two men had gone eastward 90 miles on foot, in three days; and had returned over' the same distance with bullock drays in four days. This, considering the extremely exhausted condition of the men before they started, was a remarkable example of endurance.

"They were both of them in a state which beggars description. Their knees and ankles were dreadfully swollen and their limbs so painful, that as soon as they arrived in camp they sank under their efforts, but they met us with smiling countenances, and expressed their satisfaction at having arrived so seasonably to our relief."

Sturt was thus able to save all his equipment and records, most of which he had arranged to bury before they started out on foot: the whole party left camp on 20th April, reaching Wantabadgery on 28th. Sturt had sent Macleay forward on 20th April, from their Narrandera camp with despatches for the Governor. The main party left Wantabadgery on 5th May, passing through Yass on 12th, and, travelling easily, reached Sydney on 25th May.

D--RESULTS OF THE EXPEDITION

The story which has been told in this chapter is that of a journey remarkable in itself, and notable for its place in the development of Australia.

Sturt had now revealed himself as a great leader: two difficult expeditions had been completed with conspicuous success and without accident. That four of the men who had been five months with him under the difficult conditions of his first expedition should willingly join him on the second is evidence which needs no comment. Hume could not, because of other commitments, join in this expedition, but there is evidence enough that, for both Hume and Macleay, the friendship which Sturt formed during these expeditions was never afterwards lessened or broken.

Eight men confined in a boat only 25ft long all day, every day, for 95 days require something more than normal human relations: leadership of unusual quality is essential. This leadership Sturt, greatly helped by Macleay, gave them. The last seventeen days of the boat journey, 150 miles by land but far more by water, was a nightmare for men starved of food as to quantity, and weakened by the scurvy-inducing quality of what food they had. All were desperate, Macnamee, at the end, temporarily insane.

"Their arms appeared to be nerveless; their faces became haggard, their persons emaciated, their spirits wholly sunk; nature was so completely overcome, that from mere exhaustion they frequently fell asleep during their painful and almost ceaseless exertions."

Yet Sturt could assure the Governor officially that during the whole of the journey the men were cheerful, zealous, and obedient:

The quality of the leadership which gave such results cannot be doubted.

Sturt had now shown that meticulous care for detail which marked all his work. Day after day down the rivers he charted every bend with the compass bearing and approximate length of every reach: the successive sheets of this chart still exist, and their accuracy is extraordinary. He had already shown on the first expedition an unusual capacity for forming reliable deductions based on the nature of the country over which he travelled. This quality was again evident: He had noted that, while the Murray itself was navigable, its sea-mouth was not, the onshore wind in Encounter Bay and the surf on the bar making any seaport impossible: he had noted the long arm of Lake Alexandrina leading into Currency Creek and regretted that he was not able to explore the possibility of this being a connection with St. Vincent's Gulf.

He had noted with quick and appreciative eye the possibilities of the Murray Valley near its mouth:

"It contains land that is of the very richest kind--soil that is the pure accumulation of vegetable matter, and is black as ebony. If its hundreds of thousands of acres were practically available, I should not hesitate to pronounce it one of the richest spots of equal extent on earth, and highly favoured in other respects. It is, however, certain that any part of the valley would require much labour before it could be brought under cultivation."

He had noted and recorded the change from the black soil plains, to the high red cliffs, and then to the fossil beds emerging from the water level and rising to cliffs 150 feet high of solid fossil accumulation. He concluded that a current of water must have swept this vast accumulation of shells from the extreme north of the continent, that they must have been at first under water and been raised by some upheaval and:

"I am brought to conclude that in former times the sea washed the western base of the dividing range...and when the mass of land, now lying waste and unproductive, became exposed, the rivers, which until then had pursued a regular course to the ocean, having no channel beyond their original termination, overflowed the almost level country into which they now fall; or, filling some extensive concavity, have contributed, by successive depositions, to the formation of those marshes of which so much has been said."

These conclusions were not the result of any casual observation or superficial reasoning: they were not far from the truth. In summing up the results of the expedition Sturt stated, overmodestly, that the expedition had returned to Sydney without any splendid discovery to gild its proceedings; and that the labours and dangers it had encountered were considered as nothing more than ordinary occurrences. He felt disappointed that his researches had not benefitted the Colony, as he had found only a barren tract of country to the westward: he felt, however, that from a geographical point of view nothing could have been more satisfactory than the results of the expedition, excepting a knowledge of the country to the northward between the Murray and the Darling.

Macleay reached Sydney at some date before 6th May. Governor Darling caused a notice in the form of a Government Order* dated 10th May, 1830, to be published in the Sydney Gazette. This notice, after stating concisely the results of the expedition, adds:

"Thus has Captain Sturt added largely, and in a highly important degree, to the knowledge previously possessed of the interior."

(* This Order contains a curious mistake: it states that Sturt took twenty-one days from leaving Sydney to launching his boats; actually he took fifty-eight days. It is also to be noted that in this Order, the modern spelling of Murrumbidgee is used, whereas Sturt, in his story, published three years later, speaks of it always as the "Morumbidgee.")

"The opportunity of recording a second time the services rendered to the Colony by Captain Sturt, is as gratifying to the Government which directed the undertaking, as it is creditable to the individual who so successfully conducted it to its termination.

"It is an additional cause of satisfaction to find that everyone, according to his sphere of action, has a claim to a proportionate degree of applause. All were exposed alike to the same privations, and fatigue, and everyone submitted with patience, manifesting the most anxious desire for the success of the expedition."

This order appeared fifteen days before Sturt himself arrived in Sydney.

The date of this public tribute locally was 10th May, 1830: but it was not until 17th February, 1831, that Darling sent official advice to London. Even then it was brief and stated that, as Sturt had been sent, immediately after his return, to Norfolk Island, Darling had not been able to transmit a complete report of the expedition. The despatch ends on this curious note:

[4-12] "If interested in this matter, you will find a sketch of his operations in a Government Order in the enclosed Gazette, and I shall be glad to find that the result is satisfactory to you."

[4-12 H.R.A. XVI. 89.]

[4-13] Darling followed this with a longer despatch, dated 14th April, 1831, forwarding Sturt's own report on the expedition. In this despatch he explained that the transmission of the report had been delayed as Sturt, thinking that the original report had not been prepared with the accuracy which was necessary for submission to His Majesty's Government, had wished to revise and correct it. He had, however, been too exhausted before being sent to Norfolk Island to undertake this revision.

[4-13 H.R.A. XVI. 242.]

Darling warmly commended Sturt's qualities and leadership and concluded his despatch:

"I beg respectfully to express my hope that His Majesty's Government will consider that his zeal and the important services he has rendered give him a just claim to promotion. It has been as well merited in the present instance as it could have been on any occasion, and such a mark of favour would not only be gratefully appreciated by the individual in question, but would act as a stimulus to rouse others to exertion."

Before this official recognition, however, had come unofficial public recognition as soon as George Macleay had arrived in Sydney.

On 6th May the Sydney Gazette after recording the results of the expedition, added this tribute:

"Captain Sturt has inscribed his name in indelible characters upon the records of our history, and will occupy a respectable rank among those heroic men to whom the world is indebted for geographical knowledge."

Beyond the actual geographical results of Sturt's two expeditions, there had been other, intangible, consequences.

When Sturt arrived in Sydney he came to a community of prisoners, not prisoners at law, but prisoners of circumstance, geographical and social prisoners in a limited territory within which a small oligarchy had assumed the rights of "eminent domain," and had pre-empted all the valuable land.

The harpings of Oxley and Cunningham on "impenetrable marshes" and "inland seas" had discouraged individual enterprise and expansion.

Within three years of his arrival, and within twelve months of concentrated activity, Sturt had substituted reality for mystery, had brought precious water, rivers, navigable waterways, and land--land unowned, land for the taking, land! It was not "land," it was an empire, beyond even the appetite of the oligarchs.

In replacing a narrow coastal complex by a continental consciousness Sturt had shattered the horizon--all horizons--and the task in which Bligh, Macquarie, Darling had each, in turn, been only partially successful, had been by him almost completed. He had brought freedom, freedom de facto if not yet de jure or de lege, freedom of action, freedom of movement, freedom of opportunity, and the prospect of freedom from oligarchs.

It is noteworthy that a traveller, visiting these parts just two years after Sturt's journey, recorded that nine stations had been taken up covering forty-eight miles downstream from Warby's at Gundagai. (See Appendix D, Note 5.)

But his very success excited hostility, especially from Surveyor-General Mitchell; the effects of this hostility will appear later.

Sturt had, at this time, and always, a firm, and completely sincere faith in God:

"Something more powerful than human foresight or prudence appeared to avert the calamities and dangers with which I and my companions were so frequently threatened; and had it not been for the guidance and protection we received from the Providence of that good and all-wise Being to whose care we committed ourselves, we should, ere this, have ceased to rank among the number of His earthly creatures."

Prudence and Providence--God and my own right arm.

E--EXPERIENCES WITH ABORIGINES

The story of Sturt's second expedition would not be complete without some account of his encounters with the aborigines. It is impossible, within the limits of this work to give the story in full detail: for this, Sturt's own original account must be consulted. As he was the first European to see, and record information about the aborigines over a very large portion of Australia his experiences and impressions have a special value.

From Yass to near Narrandera they met very few natives, "not more than fifty in an extent of more than 180 miles." These natives were very friendly, each group guiding them to the limits of their own district and then passing them on in a friendly way to the next group. From Narrandera to the depot near Maude the natives became more numerous, and rather less friendly, being inclined to steal if not watched carefully.

After the boat journey had begun, contact with the natives was necessarily more intermittent and opportunities for friendly relations limited to the evenings in camp. From near Euston onwards the natives became much more numerous. The first large group was hostile, then, being treated patiently, gradually became very friendly, wishing the party to remain with them. Near Kulkyne occurred the beginning of a dramatic series of encounters. In the late afternoon of 19th January a large body of natives appeared on the right bank of the river: soon after, another large party appeared on the left bank, and the boat was between two definitely hostile parties. Presently those on the left bank all swam over to the right bank and the whole group showed clear signs of hostility, "beating their spears and shields together by way of intimidation."

Sturt landed at the usual time on the left bank, and while the men were preparing camp, he set about making friendly contact with the natives:

"I held a long pantomimical dialogue with them, across the water, and held out the olive branch in token of amity.

"They at length laid aside their spears, and a long consultation took place among them, which ended in two or three wading into the river, contrary, as it appeared, to the earnest remonstrances of the majority, who, finding their entreaties had no effect, wept aloud and followed them with a determination, I am sure, of sharing their fate, whatever it might have been."

Gradually they became quite friendly and went to the camp showing great curiosity. Macleay joined in with their amusement, and he seemed to have made particular impression on them--Sturt assumed that the natives regarded him as the re-incarnation of some previously known aboriginal. They gave him the name of Rundi, pressing him to show them his side, as if the original Rundi had met with a violent death from a spear wound in that place. In the morning the whole tribe, upwards of 150, assembled to watch the departure of the boats. Four of them accompanied the party along the bank, among whom was one remarkable for personal strength and stature. Sturt noted that several of this tribe were disabled by leprosy, or some similar disorder, and that the most loathsome diseases prevailed among them.

The next evening the four natives already mentioned joined them in camp on a very friendly footing. Now they were to experience the clash with the natives which had been made familiar by frequent repetition. It is worth repeating again, and Sturt's account is given here verbatim; the date was 23rd January:

"After breakfast, we proceeded onwards as usual. We had proceeded about nine miles, when we were surprised by the appearance in view, at the termination of a reach, of a long line of magnificent trees.

"As we sailed down the reach, we observed a vast concourse of natives under them, and, on a nearer approach, we not only heard their war-song, if it might so be called, but remarked that they were painted and armed, as they generally are, prior to their engaging in deadly conflict.

"Notwithstanding these outward signs of hostility, fancying that our four friends were with them, I continued to steer directly in for the bank on which they were collected.

"I found, however, when it was almost too late to turn into the succeeding reach on our left, that an attempt to land would only be attended with loss of life. The natives seemed determined to resist it. We approached so near that they held their spears quivering in their grasp ready to hurl. They were painted in various ways. Some who had marked their ribs, and thighs, and faces with a white pigment, looked like skeletons, others were daubed over with red and yellow ochre, and their bodies shone with the grease with which they besmeared themselves. A dead silence prevailed among the front ranks, but those in the background, as well as the women, who carried supplies of darts, and who appeared to have had a bucket of whitewash capsized over their heads, were extremely clamorous.

"As I did not wish a conflict with these people, I lowered my sail, and putting the helm to starboard, we passed quietly down the stream in mid-channel.

"Disappointed in their anticipations, the natives ran along the' bank of the river, endeavouring to secure an aim at us; but, unable to throw with certainty, in consequence of the onward motion of the boat, they flung themselves into the most extravagant attitudes, and worked themselves into a state of frenzy by loud and vehement shouting.

"It was with considerable apprehension that I observed the river to be shoaling fast, more especially as a huge sand-bank, a little below us, and on the same side on which the natives had gathered, projected nearly a third-way across the channel. To this sand-bank they ran with tumultuous uproar, and covered it over in a dense mass. Some of the chiefs advanced to the water to be nearer their victims, and turned from time to time to direct their followers. With every pacific disposition, and an extreme reluctance to take away life, I foresaw that it would be impossible any longer to avoid an engagement, yet with such fearful numbers against us, I was doubtful of the result. The spectacle we had witnessed had been one of the most appalling kind, and sufficient to shake the firmness of most men; but at that trying moment my little band preserved their temper and coolness, and if anything could be gleaned from their countenances, it was that they had determined on an obstinate resistance.

"I now explained to them that their only chance of escape depended, or would depend, on their firmness. I desired that, after the first volley had been fired, Macleay and three of the men would attend to the defence of the boat with bayonets only, while I, Hopkinson and Harris would keep up the fire as being more used, to it. I ordered, however, that no shot was to be fired until after I had discharged both my barrels.

"I then delivered their arms to the men, which had as yet been kept in the place appropriated for them, and at the same time some rounds of loose cartridge.

"The men assured me they would follow my instructions, and thus prepared, having already lowered the sail, we drifted onwards with the current. As we neared the sand-bank, I stood up and made signs to' the natives to desist; but without success.

"I took up my gun, therefore, and cocking it, had already brought it down to a level. A few seconds more would have closed the life of the nearest of the savages. The distance was too trifling for me to doubt the fatal effects of the discharge; for I was determined to take deadly aim, in the hope that the fall of one man might save the lives of many. But at the very moment, when my hand was on the trigger, and my eye was along the barrel, my purpose was checked by Macleay, who called to me that another party of blacks had made their appearance on the left bank of the river. Turning round I observed four men at the top of their speed. The foremost of them, as soon as he got ahead of the boat, threw himself from a considerable height into the water. He struggled across the channel to the sand-bank, and in an incredibly short space of time stood in front of the savage against whom my aim had been directed. Seizing him backwards, and forcing all who were in the water upon the bank, he trod its margin with a vehemence and an agitation that were