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Title:      A New Voyage Round the World
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Title:      A New Voyage Round the World
Author:     William Dampier




A

NEW VOYAGE ROUND

THE WORLD

BY

WILLIAM DAMPIER.

With an Introduction

by

SIR ALBERT GRAY, K.C.B., K.C.

President of the Hakluyt Society.



ADAM AND CHARLES BLACK

4, 5 & 6 SOHO SQUARE, LONDON, W. 1.

1937.


FIRST PUBLISHED 1927 BY THE ARGONAUT PRESS
IN AN EDITION DE LUXE LIMITED TO 975 COPIES
EDITED BY N.M. PENZER, M.A., F.R.G.S.
REPRINTED 1937 AND PUBLISHED BY A. AND C. BLACK LTD.

...




PREFACE.

After reading Sir Albert Gray's excellent Introduction to this edition of
Dampier's New Voyage round the World, I was at once convinced that
nothing remained to be said except from the bibliographical side.

At the very outset of my researches I was faced with a mass of
contradictory and incorrect references--the work of past cataloguers for
whom the intricacies of the numerous issues and editions had proved too
complicated. Even now I cannot state with absolute certainty that the
results of my work have produced a bibliography of Dampier's works
complete in every detail. At the same time, it is gratifying to know that
the Library of the British Museum has accepted it, and has found it
necessary to revise in toto the pages of the General Catalogue containing
the Dampier entries. Although the Bodleian does not possess copies of all
the various editions, the librarian tells me that those they have confirm
my statements.

After his return to England in 1691 Dampier must have prepared his
manuscript for the press during the intervals between the numerous short
voyages he made in the next half dozen years.

The New Voyage appeared in 1697 and was an immediate success, a second
edition following the same year. A third edition was published in 1698.
Both these later editions had PARTIALLY embodied an errata sheet which
was affixed to the end of the first edition. Dampier's publisher, James
Knapton, encouraged by the success of the work, demanded more material
for a further volume. This consisted of A Supplement to the Voyage round
the World, together with the Voyages to Campeachy and the Discourse on
the Trade Winds. It was issued in 1699 under the general title of Voyages
and Discoveries, and bore the imprint "Vol. II." With it a fourth edition
of the New Voyage appeared, also dated 1699. It had been more carefully
revised, and the COMPLETE errata sheet from the first edition had been
embodied.*

(*Footnote. E.g. the errata sheet tells us that on page 501 "Malucca"
should read "Malacca." In spite of the 2nd and 3rd editions being
"corrected, " we find this unchanged till the 4th edition of 1699.)

It now bore the imprint "Vol. I" on the title page. An Index
(unpaginated) to both volumes appeared in Volume 2.

This year (1699) was a great publishing year for Knapton, for beside the
Dampier volumes he had also issued Lionel Wafer's New Voyage and
Description of the Isthmus of America and William Hacke's Collection of
Original Voyages, which consisted of Cowley's Voyage round the Globe,
Sharp's Journey over the Isthmus of Darien, * Wood's Magellan and
Roberts' Levant. As we shall see shortly, all these were to be
incorporated in a later edition of Dampier's Voyages.

(*Footnote. Sharp's Voyages and Adventures in the South Sea had already
appeared in 1684.)

Now, although the 1699 edition of Dampier can be correctly described as a
two-volume work, each volume was reprinted as occasion demanded.*

(*Footnote. This is proved by the advertisements at the end of the other
volumes published by Knapton in 1699.)

The New Voyage, in reality, still remained an individual work. Thus the
5th edition appeared in 1703, and the 6th in 1717.

Meanwhile the Voyages and Discoveries had reached its 2nd edition in 1700
and 3rd in 1705. But with the 5th edition of the New Voyage in 1703
appeared the 1st edition of Dampier's third volume, the Voyage to New
Holland. It proved a success, although it took six years to be exhausted.
The 2nd edition appeared in 1709, and with it was also issued the 1st
edition of the Continuation of the New Voyage.

Thus, it was not until 1709 that all Dampier's volumes had appeared, and
although librarians often speak of the "three volume Dampier, " they must
remember that each volume bore a different date and each date represented
a different edition of that volume. Thus, there was no "three volume
Dampier" in the generally-accepted meaning of the term, and nothing could
prevent such a set being made up of any odd editions. In fact, this is,
to a large extent, exactly what happened, and one will find a 1st edition
of the New Voyage bound up conformably with, say, a 2nd edition of
Voyages and Discoveries and a mixed edition of the two parts of New
Holland.

We now come to the four-volume edition Of 1729, of which the present work
forms a reprint of Volume 1.

Knapton conceived the idea of issuing all his explorer volumes in one
collection. Accordingly, he first reprinted the three volumes of
Dampier's Voyages (omitting the dedication in Volume 1). The New Voyage
was called "Seventh edition corrected, " and Voyages and Discoveries was
the fourth edition (though unnamed as such). Volume 3 consisted of the
New Holland voyage followed by a reprint of Wafer's Voyages. Both parts
of the New Holland voyage now appeared for the first time in continuous
pagination.* Wafer's Voyages formed the 3rd edition, as the first had
appeared in 1699 and the 2nd in 1704. Volume 4 contained the voyages of
Funnell, Cowley, Sharp, Wood, and Roberts.

(*Footnote. They were reprinted as one narrative in Harris' Collection of
Voyages Navigantium atque Itinerantium Bibliotheca 1744.)

We have already noted the previous issue of the four latter voyages, and
Funnell's Voyage round the World, which was an account of Dampier's St.
George voyage, had been published by Knapton in 1707.

With regard to the manuscript copy of Dampier's New Voyage (Sloane
Manuscripts 3236) little need be said here, as Sir Albert Gray has
treated it in the conclusion of his Introduction. I would merely note
that the brief passage referring to New Holland was printed in Early
Voyages to Terra Australis, Hakluyt Society, 1859, pages 108 to 111. The
volume also reprinted those portions of the printed edition of the New
Voyage to New Holland which contained direct reference to Australia.

It would be superfluous to mention all the reprints of Dampier's Voyages
after 1729. I would, therefore, merely draw attention to the Collections
of Voyages, in which Dampier's Voyages, and those of Funnell, Cowley,
etc., appeared.

HARRIS. 1744 to 1748. Volume 1. Dampier, Funnell, Cowley.

Allgemeine Historie. 1747 to 1777. Volume 12. Dampier, Wood. (Cowley's
Voyage appeared in Volume 18.)

CALLANDER. 1766 to 1768. Volume 2. Dampier, Sharp, Cowley, Wafer.
(Funnell's Voyage appeared in Volume 3.)

New Collection. 1767. Volume 3, page 608. Dampier.

World Displayed. 1767 to 1768. Volume 6, page 609. Dampier.

[DAVID HENRY.] English Navigators. 1774. Volume 1. Dampier, Cowley.

PINKERTON. 1808 to 1814. Volume 11. Dampier.

KERR. 1811 to 1824. Volume 10. Dampier, Funnell, Cowley.

LAHARPE. 1816. Volume 15. Dampier.

(The following table shows, at a glance, the correlation of the different
editions of the works which constitute Dampier's Voyages.)

1927. N.M. PENZER.

...



CONTENTS.


AN INTRODUCTION BY SIR ALBERT GRAY, K.C.B., K.C.

LIFE BEFORE THE NEW VOYAGE.
HIS FIRST CIRCUMNAVIGATION.
FIRST STAGE.
BUCCANEERING.
SECOND STAGE.
THIRD STAGE.
FOURTH STAGE.
FIFTH STAGE.
SIXTH STAGE.
SEVENTH STAGE.
EIGHTH STAGE.
DAMPIER'S SUBSEQUENT LIFE.
THE ROEBUCK VOYAGE.
THE ST. GEORGE VOYAGE.
THE DUKE AND DUTCHESS VOYAGE.
DAMPIER THE MAN.
THE TEXT OF A NEW VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.


DEDICATION.


PREFACE.


THE INTRODUCTION.

THE AUTHOR'S DEPARTURE FROM ENGLAND, AND ARRIVAL IN JAMAICA.
HIS FIRST GOING OVER THE ISTHMUS OF AMERICA INTO THE SOUTH SEAS.
HIS COASTING PERU AND CHILE, AND BACK AGAIN, TO HIS PARTING WITH CAPTAIN
SHARP NEAR THE ISLE OF PLATA, IN ORDER TO RETURN OVERLAND.


CHAPTER 1.

AN ACCOUNT OF THE AUTHOR'S RETURN OUT OF THE SOUTH SEAS, TO HIS LANDING
NEAR CAPE ST. LAWRENCE, IN THE ISTHMUS OF DARIEN: WITH AN OCCASIONAL
DESCRIPTION OF THE MOSKITO INDIANS.


CHAPTER 2.

THE AUTHOR'S LAND JOURNEY FROM THE SOUTH TO THE NORTH SEA, OVER THE TERRA
FIRMA, OR ISTHMUS OF DARIEN.


CHAPTER 3.

THE AUTHOR'S CRUISING WITH THE PRIVATEERS IN THE NORTH SEAS ON THE WEST
INDIA COAST.
THEY GO TO THE ISLE OF SAN ANDREAS.
OF THE CEDARS THERE.
THE CORN ISLANDS, AND THEIR INHABITANTS.
BLUEFIELD'S RIVER, AND AN ACCOUNT OF THE MANATEE THERE, OR SEA-COW; WITH
THE MANNER HOW THE MOSKITO INDIANS KILL THEM, AND TORTOISE, ETC.
THE MAHO-TREE.
THE SAVAGES OF BOCA TORO.
HE TOUCHES AGAIN AT POINT SAMBALAS, AND ITS ISLANDS.
THE GROVES OF SAPADILLOES THERE, THE SOLDIER'S INSECT, AND
MANCHANEEL-TREE.
THE RIVER OF DARIEN, AND THE WILD INDIANS NEAR IT; MONASTERY OF MADRE DE
POPA, RIO GRANDE, SANTA MARTA TOWN, AND THE HIGH MOUNTAIN THERE; RIO LA
HACHA TOWN, RANCHO REYS, AND PEARL FISHERY THERE; THE INDIAN INHABITANTS
AND COUNTRY.
DUTCH ISLE OF CURACAO, ETC.
COUNT D'ESTREE'S UNFORTUNATE EXPEDITION THITHER.
ISLE OF BONAIRE.
ISLE OF AVES, THE BOOBY AND MAN-OF-WAR-BIRD.
THE WRECK OF D'ESTREE'S FLEET, AND CAPTAIN PAIN'S ADVENTURE HERE.
LITTLE ISLE OF AVES.
THE ISLES LOS ROQUES, THE NODDY AND TROPIC-BIRD, MINERAL WATER,
EGG-BIRDS; THE MANGROVE-TREES, BLACK, RED, AND WHITE, ISLE OF TORTUGA,
ITS SALT PONDS.
ISLE OF BLANCO; THE IGUANA ANIMAL, THEIR VARIETY; AND THE BEST
SEA-TORTOISE.
MODERN ALTERATIONS IN THE WEST INDIES.
THE COAST OF CARACAS, ITS REMARKABLE LAND, AND PRODUCT OF THE BEST
COCOA-NUTS.
THE COCOA DESCRIBED AT LARGE, WITH THE HUSBANDRY OF IT.
CITY OF CARACAS.
LA GUAIRE FORT AND HAVEN.
TOWN OF CUMANA.
VERINA, ITS FAMOUS BEST SPANISH TOBACCO.
THE RICH TRADE OF THE COAST OF CARACAS.
OF THE SUCKING FISH, OR REMORA.
THE AUTHOR'S ARRIVAL IN VIRGINIA.


CHAPTER 4.

THE AUTHOR'S VOYAGE TO THE ISLE OF JUAN FERNANDEZ IN THE SOUTH SEAS.
HE ARRIVES AT THE ISLES OF CAPE VERDE.
ISLE OF SAL; ITS SALT PONDS.
THE FLAMINGO, AND ITS REMARKABLE NEST.
AMBERGRIS WHERE FOUND.
THE ISLES OF ST. NICHOLAS, MAYO, ST. JAGO, FOGO, A BURNING MOUNTAIN; WITH
THE REST OF THE ISLES OF CAPE VERDE.
SHERBOROUGH RIVER ON THE COAST OF GUINEA.
THE COMMODITIES AND NEGROES THERE.
A TOWN OF THEIRS DESCRIBED.
TORNADOES, SHARKS, FLYING-FISH.
A SEA DEEP AND CLEAR, YET PALE.
ISLES OF SIBBEL DE WARD.
SMALL RED LOBSTERS.
STRAIT LE MAIRE.
STATES ISLAND.
CAPE HORN IN TIERRA DEL FUEGO.
THEIR MEETING WITH CAPTAIN EATON IN THE SOUTH SEAS, AND THEIR GOING
TOGETHER TO THE ISLE OF JUAN FERNANDEZ.
OF A MOSKITO MAN LEFT THERE ALONE THREE YEARS: HIS ART AND SAGACITY; WITH
THAT OF OTHER INDIANS.
THE ISLAND DESCRIBED.
THE SAVANNAHS OF AMERICA.
GOATS AT JUAN FERNANDEZ.
SEALS.
SEA-LIONS.
SNAPPER, A SORT OF FISH.
ROCK-FISH.
THE BAYS, AND NATURAL STRENGTH OF THIS ISLAND.


CHAPTER 5.

THE AUTHOR DEPARTS FROM JUAN FERNANDEZ.
OF THE PACIFIC SEA.
OF THE ANDES, OR HIGH MOUNTAINS IN PERU AND CHILE.
A PRIZE TAKEN.
ISLE OF LOBOS: PENGUINS AND OTHER BIRDS THERE.
THREE PRIZES MORE.
THE ISLANDS GALAPAGOS: THE DILDOE-TREE, BURTON-WOOD, MAMMEE-TREES,
IGUANAS, LAND-TORTOISE, THEIR SEVERAL KIND; GREEN SNAKES, TURTLE-DOVES,
TORTOISE, OR TURTLE-GRASS.
SEA-TURTLE, THEIR SEVERAL KINDS.
THE AIR AND WEATHER AT THE GALAPAGOS.
SOME OF THE ISLANDS DESCRIBED, THEIR SOIL, ETC.
THE ISLAND COCOS DESCRIBED, CAPE BLANCO, AND THE BAY OF CALDERA; THE
SAVANNAHS THERE.
CAPTAIN COOK DIES.
OF NICOYA, AND A RED WOOD FOR DYEING, AND OTHER COMMODITIES.
A NARROW ESCAPE OF TWELVE MEN.
LANCE-WOOD.
VOLCAN VIEJO, A BURNING MOUNTAIN ON THE COAST OF RIO LEJO.
A TORNADO.
THE ISLAND AND HARBOUR OF RIO LEJO.
THE GULF OF AMAPALLA AND POINT GASIVINA.
ISLES OF MANGERA AND AMAPALLA.
THE INDIAN INHABITANTS.
HOG-PLUM-TREE.
OTHER ISLANDS IN THE GULF OF AMAPALLA.
CAPTAIN EATON AND CAPTAIN DAVIS CAREEN THEIR SHIPS HERE, AND AFTERWARDS
PART.


CHAPTER 6.

THEY DEPART FROM AMAPALLA.
TORNADOES.
CAPE SAN FRANCISCO.
THEY MEET CAPTAIN EATON, AND PART AGAIN.
ISLE OF PLATA DESCRIBED.
ANOTHER MEETING WITH CAPTAIN EATON, AND THEIR FINAL PARTING.
POINT SANTA HELENA.
ALGATRANE, A SORT OF TAR.
A SPANISH WRECK.
CRUISINGS.
MANTA, NEAR CAPE SAN LORENZO.
MONTE CHRISTO.
CRUISINGS.
CAPE BLANCO.
PAYTA.
THE BUILDINGS IN PERU.
THE SOIL OF PERU.
COLAN.
BARK LOGS DESCRIBED.
PIURA.
THE ROAD OF PAYTA.
LOBOS DE TERRA.
THEY COME AGAIN TO LOBOS DE LA MAR.
THE BAY OF GUAYAQUIL.
ISLE OF SANTA CLARA.
A RICH SPANISH WRECK THERE.
CATFISH.
PUNTA ARENA IN THE ISLE PUNA.
THE ISLAND DESCRIBED.
THE PALMETTO-TREE.
TOWN AND HARBOUR OF PUNA.
RIVER OF GUAYAQUIL.
GUAYAQUIL TOWN.
ITS COMMODITIES, COCOA, SARSAPARILLA, QUITO CLOTH.
OF THE CITY, AND GOLD, AND AIR OF QUITO.
THEY ENTER THE BAY IN ORDER TO MAKE AN ATTEMPT ON THE TOWN OF GUAYAQUIL.
A GREAT ADVANTAGE SLIPPED THAT MIGHT HAVE BEEN MADE OF A COMPANY OF
NEGROES TAKEN IN GUAYAQUIL RIVER.
THEY GO TO PLATA AGAIN.
ISLE PLATA.


CHAPTER 7.

THEY LEAVE THE ISLE OF PLATA.
CAPE PASSAO.
THE COAST BETWEEN THAT AND CAPE SAN FRANCISCO; AND FROM THENCE ON TO
PANAMA.
THE RIVER OF ST. JAGO.
THE RED AND THE WHITE COTTON-TREE.
THE CABBAGE-TREE.
THE INDIANS OF ST. JAGO RIVER, AND ITS NEIGHBOURHOOD.
THE ISLE OF GALLO.
THE RIVER AND VILLAGE OF TOMACO.
ISLE OF GORGONA, THE PEARL-OYSTERS THERE AND IN OTHER PARTS.
THE LAND ON THE MAIN.
CAPE CORRIENTES.
POINT GARACHINA.
ISLAND GALLERA.
THE KING'S, OR PEARL, ISLANDS, PACHEQUE ST. PAUL'S ISLAND.
LAVELIA.
NATA.
THE CATFISH.
OYSTERS.
THE PLEASANT PROSPECTS IN THE BAY OF PANAMA.
OLD PANAMA.
THE NEW CITY.
THE GREAT CONCOURSE THERE FROM LIMA AND PORTOBELLO, ETC. UPON THE ARRIVAL
OF THE SPANISH ARMADA IN THE WEST INDIES.
THE COURSE THE ARMADA TAKES; WITH AN INCIDENTAL ACCOUNT OF THE FIRST
INDUCEMENTS THAT MADE THE PRIVATEERS UNDERTAKE THE PASSAGE OVER THE
ISTHMUS OF DARIEN INTO THE SOUTH SEAS, AND OF THE PARTICULAR BEGINNING OF
THEIR CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE INDIANS THAT INHABIT THAT ISTHMUS.
OF THE AIR AND WEATHER AT PANAMA.
THE ISLES OF PERICO.
TABAGO, A PLEASANT ISLAND.
THE MAMMEE-TREE.
THE VILLAGE TABAGO.
A SPANISH STRATAGEM OR TWO OF CAPTAIN BOND THEIR ENGINEER.
THE IGNORANCE OF THE SPANIARDS OF THESE PARTS IN SEA-AFFAIRS.
A PARTY OF FRENCH PRIVATEERS ARRIVE FROM OVERLAND.
OF THE COMMISSIONS THAT ARE GIVEN OUT BY THE FRENCH GOVERNOUR OF PETIT
GUAVRES.
OF THE GULF OF ST. MICHAEL, AND THE RIVERS OF CONGOS, SAMBO, AND SANTA
MARIA: AND AN ERROR OF THE COMMON MAPS, IN THE PLACING POINT GARACHINA
AND CAPE SAN LORENZO, CORRECTED.
OF THE TOWN AND GOLD-MINES OF SANTA MARIA; AND THE TOWN OF SCUCHADERO.
CAPTAIN TOWNLEY'S ARRIVAL WITH SOME MORE ENGLISH PRIVATEERS OVERLAND.
JARS OF PISCO-WINE.
A BARK OF CAPTAIN KNIGHT'S JOINS THEM.
POINT GARACHINA AGAIN.
PORTO DE PINAS.
ISLE OF OTOQUE.
THE PACKET FROM LIMA TAKEN.
OTHER ENGLISH AND FRENCH PRIVATEERS ARRIVE.
CHEPELIO, ONE OF THE SWEETEST ISLANDS IN THE WORLD.
THE SAPADILLO, AVOCADO-PEAR, MAMMEE-SAPOTA.
WILD MAMMEE AND STAR-APPLE.
CHEAPO RIVER AND TOWN.
SOME TRAVERSINGS IN THE BAY OF PANAMA; AND AN ACCOUNT OF THE STRENGTH OF
THE SPANISH FLEET, AND OF THE PRIVATEERS, AND THE ENGAGEMENT BETWEEN
THEM.


CHAPTER 8.

THEY SET OUT FROM TABAGO.
ISLE OF CHUCHE.
THE MOUNTAIN CALLED MORO DE PORCOS.
THE COAST TO THE WESTWARD OF THE BAY OF PANAMA.
ISLES OF QUIBO, QUICARO, RANCHERIA.
THE PALMA-MARIA-TREE.
THE ISLES CANALES AND CANTARRAS.
THEY BUILD CANOES FOR A NEW EXPEDITION; AND TAKE PUEBLA NOVA.
CAPTAIN KNIGHT JOINS THEM.
CANOES HOW MADE.
THE COAST AND WINDS BETWEEN QUIBO AND NICOYA.
VOLCAN VIEJO AGAIN.
TORNADOES, AND THE SEA ROUGH.
RIO LEJO HARBOUR.
THE CITY OF LEON TAKEN AND BURNT.
RIO LEJO CREEK; THE TOWN AND COMMODITIES; THE GUAVA-FRUIT, AND
PRICKLY-PEAR: A RANSOM PAID HONOURABLY UPON PAROLE: THE TOWN BURNT.
CAPTAIN DAVIS AND OTHERS GO OFF FOR THE SOUTH COAST.
A CONTAGIOUS SICKNESS AT RIO LEJO.
TERRIBLE TORNADOES.
THE VOLCANO OF GUATEMALA; THE RICH COMMODITIES OF THAT COUNTRY, INDIGO,
OTTA OR ANATTA, COCHINEEL, SILVESTER.
DRIFTWOOD, AND PUMICE-STONES.
THE COAST FURTHER ON THE NORTH-WEST.
CAPTAIN TOWNLEY'S FRUITLESS EXPEDITION TOWARDS TECOANTEPEQUE.
THE ISLAND TANGOLA, AND NEIGHBOURING CONTINENT.
GUATULCO PORT.
THE BUFFADORE, OR WATER-SPOUT.
RUINS OF GUATULCO VILLAGE.
THE COAST ADJOINING.
CAPTAIN TOWNLEY MARCHES TO THE RIVER CAPALITA.
TURTLE AT GUATULCO.
AN INDIAN SETTLEMENT.
THE VINELLO-PLANT AND FRUIT.


CHAPTER 9.

THEY SET OUT FROM GUATULCO.
THE ISLE SACRIFICIO.
PORT ANGELS.
JACKALS.
A NARROW ESCAPE.
THE ROCK ALGATROSS, AND THE NEIGHBOURING COAST.
SNOOK, A SORT OF FISH.
THE TOWN OF ACAPULCO.
OF THE TRADE IT DRIVES WITH THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
THE HAVEN OF ACAPULCO.
A TORNADO.
PORT MARQUIS.
CAPTAIN TOWNLEY MAKES A FRUITLESS ATTEMPT.
A LONG SANDY BAY, BUT VERY ROUGH SEAS.
THE PALM-TREE, GREAT AND SMALL.
THE HILL OF PETAPLAN.
A POOR INDIAN VILLAGE.
JEW-FISH.
CHEQUETAN, A GOOD HARBOUR.
ESTAPA; MUSSELS THERE.
A CARAVAN OF MULES TAKEN.
A HILL NEAR THELUPAN.
THE COAST HEREABOUTS.
THE VOLCANO, TOWN, VALLEY, AND BAY OF COLIMA.
SALLAGUA PORT.
ORRHA.
RAGGED HILLS.
CORONADA, OR THE CROWN LAND.
CAPE CORRIENTES.
ISLES OF CHAMETLY.
THE CITY PURIFICATION.
VALDERAS; OR THE VALLEY OF FLAGS.
THEY MISS THEIR DESIGN ON THIS COAST.
CAPTAIN TOWNLEY LEAVES THEM WITH THE DARIEN INDIANS.
THE POINT AND ISLES OF PONTIQUE.
OTHER ISLES OF CHAMETLY.
THE PENGUIN-FRUIT, THE YELLOW AND THE RED.
SEALS HERE.
OF THE RIVER OF CULIACAN, AND THE TRADE OF A TOWN THERE WITH CALIFORNIA.
MASSACLAN.
RIVER AND TOWN OF ROSARIO.
CAPUT CAVALLI, AND ANOTHER HILL.
THE DIFFICULTY OF INTELLIGENCE ON THIS COAST.
THE RIVER OF OLETTA.
RIVER OF ST. JAGO.
MAXENTELBA ROCK, AND ZELISCO HILL.
SANTA PECAQUE TOWN IN THE RIVER OF ST. JAGO.
OF COMPOSTELLA.
MANY OF THEM CUT OFF AT SANTA PECAQUE.
OF CALIFORNIA; WHETHER AN ISLAND OR NOT: AND OF THE NORTH-WEST AND
NORTH-EAST PASSAGE.
A METHOD PROPOSED FOR DISCOVERY OF THE NORTH-WEST AND NORTH-EAST
PASSAGES.
ISLE OF SANTA MARIA.
A PRICKLY PLANT.
CAPTAIN SWAN PROPOSES A VOYAGE TO THE EAST INDIES.
VALLEY OF VALDERAS AGAIN, AND CAPE CORRIENTES.
THE REASON OF THEIR ILL SUCCESS ON THE MEXICAN COAST, AND DEPARTURE
THENCE FOR THE EAST INDIES.


CHAPTER 10.

THEIR DEPARTURE FROM CAPE CORRIENTES FOR THE LADRONE ISLANDS, AND THE
EAST INDIES.
THEIR COURSE THITHER, AND ACCIDENTS BY THE WAY: WITH A TABLE OF EACH
DAY'S RUN, ETC.
OF THE DIFFERENT ACCOUNTS OF THE BREADTH OF THESE SEAS.
GUAM, ONE OF THE LADRONE ISLANDS.
THE COCONUT-TREE, FRUIT, ETC.
THE TODDY, OR ARAK THAT DISTILS FROM IT; WITH OTHER USES THAT ARE MADE OF
IT.
COIR CABLES.
THE LIME, OR CRAB-LEMON.
THE BREAD-FRUIT.
THE NATIVE INDIANS OF GUAM.
THEIR PROAS, A REMARKABLE SORT OF BOATS: AND OF THOSE USED IN THE EAST
INDIES.
THE STATE OF GUAM: AND THE PROVISIONS WITH WHICH THEY WERE FURNISHED
THERE.


CHAPTER 11.

THEY RESOLVE TO GO TO MINDANAO.
THEIR DEPARTURE FROM GUAM.
OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
THE ISLE LUCONIA, AND ITS CHIEF TOWN AND PORT, MANILO, MANILA, OR
MANILBO.
OF THE RICH TRADE WE MIGHT ESTABLISH WITH THESE ISLANDS.
ST. JOHN'S ISLAND.
THEY ARRIVE AT MINDANAO.
THE ISLAND DESCRIBED.
ITS FERTILITY.
THE LIBBY-TREES, AND THE SAGO MADE OF THEM.
THE PLANTAIN-TREE, FRUIT, LIQUOR, AND CLOTH.
A SMALLER PLANTAIN AT MINDANAO.
THE BANANA.
OF THE CLOVE-BARK, CLOVES AND NUTMEGS, AND THE METHODS TAKEN BY THE DUTCH
TO MONOPOLIZE THE SPICES.
THE BETEL-NUT, AND AREK-TREE.
THE DURIAN, AND THE JACA-TREE AND FRUIT.
THE BEASTS OF MINDANAO.
CENTIPEDES OR FORTY-LEGS, A VENOMOUS INSECT, AND OTHERS.
THEIR FOWLS, FISH, ETC.
THE TEMPERATURE OF THE CLIMATE, WITH THE COURSE OF THE WINDS, TORNADOES,
RAIN, AND TEMPER OF THE AIR THROUGHOUT THE YEAR.


CHAPTER 12.

OF THE INHABITANTS, AND CIVIL STATE OF THE ISLE OF MINDANAO.
THE MINDANAYANS, HILLANOONES, SOLOGUES, AND ALFOORES.
OF THE MINDANAYANS, PROPERLY SO CALLED; THEIR MANNERS AND HABITS.
THE HABITS AND MANNERS OF THEIR WOMEN.
A COMICAL CUSTOM AT MINDANAO.
THEIR HOUSES, THEIR DIET, AND WASHINGS.
THE LANGUAGES SPOKEN THERE, AND TRANSACTIONS WITH THE SPANIARDS.
THEIR FEAR OF THE DUTCH, AND SEEMING DESIRE OF THE ENGLISH.
THEIR HANDICRAFTS, AND PECULIAR SORT OF SMITH'S BELLOWS.
THEIR SHIPPING, COMMODITIES, AND TRADE.
THE MINDANAO AND MANILA TOBACCO.
A SORT OF LEPROSY THERE, AND OTHER DISTEMPERS.
THEIR MARRIAGES.
THE SULTAN OF MINDANAO, HIS POVERTY, POWER, FAMILY, ETC.
THE PROAS OR BOATS HERE.
RAJA LAUT THE GENERAL, BROTHER TO THE SULTAN, AND HIS FAMILY.
THEIR WAY OF FIGHTING.
THEIR RELIGION.
RAJA LAUT'S DEVOTION.
A CLOCK OR DRUM IN THEIR MOSQUES.
OF THEIR CIRCUMCISION, AND THE SOLEMNITY THEN USED.
OF THEIR OTHER RELIGIOUS OBSERVATIONS AND SUPERSTITIONS.
THEIR ABHORRENCE OF SWINES' FLESH, ETC.


CHAPTER 13.

THEIR COASTING ALONG THE ISLE OF MINDANAO, FROM A BAY ON THE EAST SIDE TO
ANOTHER AT THE SOUTH-EAST END.
TORNADOES AND BOISTEROUS WEATHER.
THE SOUTH-EAST COAST, AND ITS SAVANNAH AND PLENTY OF DEER.
THEY COAST ALONG THE SOUTH SIDE TO THE RIVER OF MINDANAO CITY, AND ANCHOR
THERE.
THE SULTAN'S BROTHER AND SON COME ABOARD THEM, AND INVITE THEM TO SETTLE
THERE.
OF THE FEASIBLENESS AND PROBABLE ADVANTAGE OF SUCH A SETTLEMENT FROM THE
NEIGHBOURING GOLD AND SPICE ISLANDS.
OF THE BEST WAY TO MINDANAO BY THE SOUTH SEA AND TERRA AUSTRALIS; AND OF
AN ACCIDENTAL DISCOVERY THERE BY CAPTAIN DAVIS, AND A PROBABILITY OF A
GREATER.
THE CAPACITY THEY WERE IN TO SETTLE HERE.
THE MINDANAYANS MEASURE THEIR SHIP.
CAPTAIN SWAN'S PRESENT TO THE SULTAN: HIS RECEPTION OF IT, AND AUDIENCE
GIVEN TO CAPTAIN SWAN, WITH RAJA LAUT, THE SULTAN'S BROTHER'S
ENTERTAINMENT OF HIM.
THE CONTENTS OF TWO ENGLISH LETTERS SHOWN THEM BY THE SULTAN OF MINDANAO.
OF THE COMMODITIES AND THE PUNISHMENTS THERE.
THE GENERAL'S CAUTION HOW TO DEMEAN THEMSELVES; AT HIS PERSUASION THEY
LAY UP THEIR SHIPS IN THE RIVER.
THE MINDANAYANS' CARESSES.
THE GREAT RAINS AND FLOODS OF THE CITY.
THE MINDANAYANS HAVE CHINESE ACCOUNTANTS.
HOW THEIR WOMEN DANCE.
A STORY OF ONE JOHN THACKER.
THEIR BARK EATEN UP, AND THEIR SHIP ENDANGERED BY THE WORM.
OF THE WORMS HERE AND ELSEWHERE.
OF CAPTAIN SWAN.
RAJA LAUT, THE GENERAL'S DECEITFULNESS.
HUNTING WILD KINE.
THE PRODIGALITY OF SOME OF THE ENGLISH.
CAPTAIN SWAN TREATS WITH A YOUNG INDIAN OF A SPICE ISLAND.
A HUNTING-VOYAGE WITH THE GENERAL.
HIS PUNISHING A SERVANT OF HIS.
OF HIS WIVES AND WOMEN.
A SORT OF STRONG RICE-DRINK.
THE GENERAL'S FOUL DEALING AND EXACTIONS.
CAPTAIN SWAN'S UNEASINESS AND INDISCREET MANAGEMENT.
HIS MEN MUTINY.
OF A SNAKE TWISTING ABOUT ONE OF THEIR NECKS.
THE MAIN PART OF THE CREW GO AWAY WITH THE SHIP, LEAVING CAPTAIN SWAN AND
SOME OF HIS MEN: SEVERAL OTHERS POISONED THERE.


CHAPTER 14.

THEY DEPART FROM THE RIVER OF MINDANAO.
OF THE TIME LOST OR GAINED IN SAILING ROUND THE WORLD: WITH A CAUTION TO
SEAMEN, ABOUT THE ALLOWANCE THEY ARE TO TAKE FOR THE DIFFERENCE OF THE
SUN'S DECLINATION.
THE SOUTH COAST OF MINDANAO.
CHAMBONGO TOWN AND HARBOUR, WITH ITS NEIGHBOURING KEYS.
GREEN TURTLE.
RUINS OF A SPANISH FORT.
THE WESTERMOST POINT OF MINDANAO.
TWO PROAS OF THE SOLOGUES LADEN FROM MANILA.
AN ISLE TO THE WEST OF SEBO.
WALKING-CANES.
ISLE OF BATS, VERY LARGE; AND NUMEROUS TURTLE AND MANATEE.
A DANGEROUS SHOAL.
THEY SAIL BY PANAY BELONGING TO THE SPANIARDS, AND OTHERS OF THE
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
ISLE OF MINDORO.
TWO BARKS TAKEN.
A FURTHER ACCOUNT OF THE ISLE LUCONIA, AND THE CITY AND HARBOUR OF
MANILA.
THEY GO OFF PULO CONDORE TO LIE THERE.
THE SHOALS OF PRACEL, ETC.
PULO CONDORE.
THE TAR-TREE.
THE MANGO.
GRAPE-TREE.
THE WILD OR BASTARD-NUTMEG.
THEIR ANIMALS.
OF THE MIGRATION OF THE TURTLE FROM PLACE TO PLACE.
OF THE COMMODIOUS SITUATION OF PULO CONDORE; ITS WATER, AND ITS
COCHIN-CHINESE INHABITANTS.
OF THE MALAYAN TONGUE.
THE CUSTOM OF PROSTITUTING THEIR WOMEN IN THESE COUNTRIES, AND IN GUINEA.
THE IDOLATRY HERE, AT TONQUIN, AND AMONG THE CHINESE SEAMEN, AND OF A
PROCESSION AT FORT ST. GEORGE.
THEY REFIT THEIR SHIP.
TWO OF THEM DIE OF POISON THEY TOOK AT MINDANAO.
THEY TAKE IN WATER, AND A PILOT FOR THE BAY OF SIAM.
PULO UBI; AND POINT OF CAMBODIA.
TWO CAMBODIAN VESSELS.
ISLES IN THE BAY OF SIAM.
THE TIGHT VESSELS AND SEAMEN OF THE KINGDOM OF CHAMPA.
STORMS.
A CHINESE JUNK FROM PALIMBAM IN SUMATRA.
THEY COME AGAIN TO PULO CONDORE.
A BLOODY FRAY WITH A MALAYAN VESSEL.
THE SURGEON'S AND THE AUTHOR'S DESIRES OF LEAVING THEIR CREW.


CHAPTER 15.

THEY LEAVE PULO CONDORE, DESIGNING FOR MANILA, BUT ARE DRIVEN OFF FROM
THENCE, AND FROM THE ISLE OF PRATAS, BY THE WINDS, AND BROUGHT UPON THE
COAST OF CHINA.
ISLE OF ST. JOHN, ON THE COAST OF THE PROVINCE OF CANTON; ITS SOIL AND
PRODUCTIONS, CHINA HOGS, ETC.
THE INHABITANTS; AND OF THE TARTARS FORCING THE CHINESE TO CUT OFF THEIR
HAIR.
THEIR HABITS, AND THE LITTLE FEET OF THEIR WOMEN, CHINA-WARE,
CHINA-ROOTS, TEA, ETC.
A VILLAGE AT ST. JOHN'S ISLAND, AND OF THEIR HUSBANDRY OF THEIR RICE.
A STORY OF A CHINESE PAGODA, OR IDOL-TEMPLE, AND IMAGE.
OF THE CHINA-JUNKS, AND THEIR RIGGING.
THEY LEAVE ST. JOHN'S AND THE COAST OF CHINA.
A MOST OUTRAGEOUS STORM.
CORPUS SANT, A LIGHT, OR METEOR APPEARING IN STORMS.
THE PISCADORES, OR FISHERS ISLANDS NEAR FORMOSA.
A TARTARIAN GARRISON, AND CHINESE TOWN ON ONE OF THESE ISLANDS.
THEY ANCHOR IN THE HARBOUR NEAR THE TARTARS' GARRISON, AND TREAT WITH THE
GOVERNOR.
OF AMOY IN THE PROVINCE OF FOKIEN, AND MACAO, A CHINESE AND PORTUGUESE
TOWN NEAR CANTON IN CHINA.
THE HABITS OF A TARTARIAN OFFICER AND HIS RETINUE.
THEIR PRESENTS, EXCELLENT BEEF.
SAM SHU, A SORT OF CHINESE ARAK, AND HOC SHU, A KIND OF CHINESE MUM, AND
THE JARS IT IS BOTTLED IN.
OF THE ISLE OF FORMOSA, AND THE FIVE ISLANDS; TO WHICH THEY GAVE THE
NAMES OF ORANGE, MONMOUTH, GRAFTON, BASHEE, AND GOAT ISLANDS, IN GENERAL,
THE BASHEE ISLANDS.
A DIGRESSION CONCERNING THE DIFFERENT DEPTHS OF THE SEA NEAR HIGH OR LOW
LANDS, SOIL, ETC., AS BEFORE.
THE SOIL, FRUITS AND ANIMALS OF THESE ISLANDS.
THE INHABITANTS AND THEIR CLOTHING.
RINGS OF A YELLOW METAL LIKE GOLD.
THEIR HOUSES BUILT ON REMARKABLE PRECIPICES.
THEIR BOATS AND EMPLOYMENTS.
THEIR FOOD, OF GOAT-SKINS, ENTRAILS, ETC.
PARCHED LOCUSTS.
BASHEE, OR SUGAR-CANE DRINK.
OF THEIR LANGUAGE AND ORIGIN.
LANCES AND BUFFALO COATS.
NO IDOLS, NOR CIVIL FORM OF GOVERNMENT.
A YOUNG MAN BURIED ALIVE BY THEM; SUPPOSED TO BE FOR THEFT.
THEIR WIVES AND CHILDREN, AND HUSBANDRY.
THEIR MANNERS, ENTERTAINMENTS, AND TRAFFIC.
OF THE SHIP'S FIRST INTERCOURSE WITH THESE PEOPLE, AND BARTERING WITH
THEM.
THEIR COURSE AMONG THE ISLANDS; THEIR STAY THERE, AND PROVISION TO
DEPART.
THEY ARE DRIVEN OFF BY A VIOLENT STORM, AND RETURN.
THE NATIVES' KINDNESS TO SIX OF THEM LEFT BEHIND.
THE CREW DISCOURAGED BY THOSE STORMS, QUIT THEIR DESIGN OF CRUISING OFF
MANILA FOR THE ACAPULCO SHIP; AND IT IS RESOLVED TO FETCH A COMPASS TO
CAPE COMORIN, AND SO FOR THE RED SEA.


CHAPTER 16.

THEY DEPART FROM THE BASHEE ISLANDS, AND PASSING BY SOME OTHERS, AND THE
NORTH END OF LUCONIA.
ST. JOHN'S ISLE, AND OTHER OF THE PHILIPPINES.
THEY STOP AT THE TWO ISLES NEAR MINDANAO; WHERE THEY REFIT THEIR SHIP,
AND MAKE A PUMP AFTER THE SPANISH FASHION.
BY THE YOUNG PRINCE OF THE SPICE ISLAND THEY HAVE NEWS OF CAPTAIN SWAN,
AND HIS MEN, LEFT AT MINDANAO.
THE AUTHOR PROPOSES TO THE CREW TO RETURN TO HIM; BUT IN VAIN.
THE STORY OF HIS MURDER AT MINDANAO.
THE CLOVE ISLANDS.
TERNATE.
TIDORE, ETC.
THE ISLAND CELEBES, AND DUTCH TOWN OF MACASSAR.
THEY COAST ALONG THE EAST SIDE OF CELEBES, AND BETWEEN IT AND OTHER
ISLANDS AND SHOALS, WITH GREAT DIFFICULTY.
SHY TURTLE.
VAST COCKLES.
A WILD VINE OF GREAT VIRTUE FOR SORES.
GREAT TREES; ONE EXCESSIVELY BIG.
BEACONS INSTEAD OF BUOYS ON THE SHOALS.
A SPOUT: A DESCRIPTION OF THEM, WITH A STORY OF ONE.
UNCERTAIN TORNADOES.
TURTLE.
THE ISLAND BOUTON, AND ITS CHIEF TOWN AND HARBOUR CALLASUSUNG.
THE INHABITANTS.
VISITS GIVEN AND RECEIVED BY THE SULTAN.
HIS DEVICE IN THE FLAG OF HIS PROA.
HIS GUARDS, HABIT AND CHILDREN.
THEIR COMMERCE.
THEIR DIFFERENT ESTEEM (AS THEY PRETEND) OF THE ENGLISH AND DUTCH.
MARITIME INDIANS SELL OTHERS FOR SLAVES.
THEIR RECEPTION IN THE TOWN.
A BOY WITH FOUR ROWS OF TEETH.
PARAKEETS.
COCKATOOS, A SORT OF WHITE PARROTS.
THEY PASS AMONG OTHER INHABITED ISLANDS.
OMBA, PENTARE, TIMOR, ETC.
SHOALS.
NEW HOLLAND; LAID DOWN TOO MUCH NORTHWARD.
ITS SOIL, AND DRAGON-TREES.
THE POOR WINKING INHABITANTS: THEIR FEATHERS, HABIT, FOOD, ARMS, ETC.
THE WAY OF FETCHING FIRE OUT OF WOOD.
THE INHABITANTS ON THE ISLANDS.
THEIR HABITATIONS, UNFITNESS FOR LABOUR, ETC.
THE GREAT TIDES HERE.
THEY DESIGN FOR THE ISLAND COCOS, AND CAPE COMORIN.


CHAPTER 17.

LEAVING NEW HOLLAND THEY PASS BY THE ISLAND COCOS, AND TOUCH AT ANOTHER
WOODY ISLAND NEAR IT.
A LAND-ANIMAL LIKE LARGE CRAWFISH.
COCONUTS, FLOATING IN THE SEA.
THE ISLAND TRISTE BEARING COCONUTS, YET OVERFLOWN EVERY SPRING-TIDE.
THEY ANCHOR AT A SMALL ISLAND NEAR THAT OF NASSAU.
HOG ISLAND, AND OTHERS.
A PROA TAKEN BELONGING TO ACHIN.
NICOBAR ISLAND, AND THE REST CALLED BY THAT NAME.
AMBERGRIS, GOOD AND BAD.
THE MANNERS OF THE INHABITANTS OF THESE ISLANDS.
THEY ANCHOR AT NICOBAR ISLE.
ITS SITUATION, SOIL, AND PLEASANT MIXTURE OF ITS BAYS, TREES, ETC.
THE MELORY-TREE AND FRUIT, USED FOR BREAD.
THE NATIVES OF NICOBAR ISLAND, THEIR FORM, HABIT, LANGUAGE, HABITATIONS;
NO FORM OF RELIGION OR GOVERNMENT: THEIR FOOD AND CANOES.
THEY CLEAN THE SHIP.
THE AUTHOR PROJECTS AND GETS LEAVE TO STAY ASHORE HERE, AND WITH HIM TWO
ENGLISHMEN MORE, THE PORTUGUESE, AND FOUR MALAYANS OF ACHIN.
THEIR FIRST RENCOUNTERS WITH THE NATIVES.
OF THE COMMON TRADITIONS CONCERNING CANNIBALS, OR MAN-EATERS.
THEIR ENTERTAINMENT ASHORE.
THEY BUY A CANOE, TO TRANSPORT THEM OVER TO ACHIN; BUT OVERSET HER AT
FIRST GOING OUT.
HAVING RECRUITED AND IMPROVED HER, THEY SET OUT AGAIN FOR THE EAST SIDE
OF THE ISLAND.
THEY HAVE A WAR WITH THE ISLANDERS; BUT PEACE BEING REESTABLISHED, THEY
LAY IN STORES, AND MAKE PREPARATIONS FOR THEIR VOYAGE.


CHAPTER 18.

THE AUTHOR, WITH SOME OTHERS, PUT TO SEA IN AN OPEN BOAT, DESIGNING FOR
ACHIN.
THEIR ACCOMMODATIONS FOR THEIR VOYAGE.
CHANGE OF WEATHER; A HALO ABOUT THE SUN, AND A VIOLENT STORM.
THEIR GREAT DANGER AND DISTRESS.
CUDDA, A TOWN AND HARBOUR ON THE COAST OF MALACCA.
PULO WAY.
GOLDEN MOUNTAIN ON THE ISLE OF SUMATRA.
RIVER AND TOWN OF PASSANGE JONCA ON SUMATRA, NEAR DIAMOND POINT; WHERE
THEY GO ASHORE VERY SICK, AND ARE KINDLY ENTERTAINED BY THE OROMKAY, AND
INHABITANTS.
THEY GO THENCE TO ACHIN.
THE AUTHOR IS EXAMINED BEFORE THE SHABANDER; AND TAKES PHYSICK OF A
MALAYAN DOCTOR.
HIS LONG ILLNESS.
HE SETS OUT TOWARDS NICOBAR AGAIN, BUT RETURNS SUDDENLY TO ACHIN ROAD.
HE MAKES SEVERAL VOYAGES THENCE, TO TONQUIN, TO MALACCA, TO FORT ST.
GEORGE, AND TO BENCOOLEN, AN ENGLISH FACTORY ON SUMATRA.
AN ACCOUNT OF THE SHIP'S CREW WHO SET THE AUTHOR ASHORE AT NICOBAR.
SOME GO TO TRANGAMBAR, A DANISH FORT ON COROMANDEL; OTHERS TO FORT ST.
GEORGE; MANY TO THE MOGUL'S CAMP.
OF THE PEUNS; AND HOW JOHN OLIVER MADE HIMSELF A CAPTAIN.
CAPTAIN READ, WITH THE REST, HAVING PLUNDERED A RICH PORTUGUESE SHIP NEAR
CEYLON, GOES TO MADAGASCAR, AND SHIPS HIMSELF OFF THENCE IN A NEW YORK
SHIP.
THE TRAVERSES OF THE REST TO JOHANNA, ETC.
THEIR SHIP, THE CYGNET OF LONDON, NOW LIES SUNK IN AUGUSTIN BAY AT
MADAGASCAR.
OF PRINCE JEOLY THE PAINTED MAN, WHOM THE AUTHOR BROUGHT WITH HIM TO
ENGLAND, AND WHO DIED AT OXFORD.
OF HIS COUNTRY THE ISLE OF MEANGIS; THE CLOVES THERE, ETC.
THE AUTHOR IS MADE GUNNER OF BENCOOLEN, BUT IS FORCED TO SLIP AWAY FROM
THENCE TO COME FOR ENGLAND.


CHAPTER 19.

THE AUTHOR'S DEPARTURE FROM BENCOOLEN, ON BOARD THE DEFENCE, UNDER
CAPTAIN HEATH.
OF A FIGHT BETWEEN SOME FRENCH MEN-OF-WAR FROM PONDICHERRY, AND SOME
DUTCH SHIPS FROM PALLACAT, JOINED WITH SOME ENGLISH, IN SIGHT OF FORT ST.
GEORGE.
OF THE BAD WATER TAKEN IN AT BENCOOLEN; AND THE STRANGE SICKNESS AND
DEATH OF THE SEAMEN, SUPPOSED TO BE OCCASIONED THEREBY.
A SPRING AT BENCOOLEN RECOMMENDED.
THE GREAT EXIGENCIES ON BOARD.
A CONSULT HELD AND A PROPOSAL MADE TO GO TO JOHANNA.
A RESOLUTION TAKEN TO PROSECUTE THEIR VOYAGE TO THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.
THE WIND FAVOURS THEM.
THE CAPTAIN'S CONDUCT.
THEY ARRIVE AT THE CAPE, AND ARE HELPED INTO HARBOUR BY THE DUTCH.
A DESCRIPTION OF THE CAPE, ITS PROSPECT, SOUNDINGS, TABLE MOUNTAIN,
HARBOUR, SOIL, ETC., LARGE POMEGRANATES, AND GOOD WINES.
THE LAND-ANIMALS.
A VERY BEAUTIFUL KIND OF ONAGER, OR WILD ASS, STRIPED REGULARLY BLACK AND
WHITE.
OSTRICHES.
FISH.
SEALS.
THE DUTCH FORT AND FACTORY.
THEIR FINE GARDEN.
THE TRAFFIC HERE.


CHAPTER 20.

OF THE NATURAL INHABITANTS OF THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE, THE HODMADODS OR
HOTTENTOTS.
THEIR PERSONAGE, GARB, BESMEARING THEMSELVES; THEIR CLOTHING, HOUSES,
FOOD, WAY OF LIVING, AND DANCING AT THE FULL OF THE MOON: COMPARED IN
THOSE RESPECTS WITH OTHER NEGROES AND WILD INDIANS.
CAPTAIN HEATH REFRESHES HIS MEN AT THE CAPE, AND GETTING SOME MORE HANDS,
DEPARTS IN COMPANY WITH THE JAMES AND MARY, AND THE JOSIAH.
A GREAT SWELLING SEA FROM SOUTH-WEST.
THEY ARRIVE AT ST. HELENA AND THERE MEET WITH THE PRINCESS ANN, HOMEWARD
BOUND.
THE AIR, SITUATION, AND SOIL OF THAT ISLAND.
ITS FIRST DISCOVERY, AND CHANGE OF MASTERS SINCE.
HOW THE ENGLISH GOT IT.
ITS STRENGTH, TOWN, INHABITANTS, AND THE PRODUCT OF THEIR PLANTATIONS.
THE ST. HELENA MANATEE NO OTHER THAN THE SEA-LION.
OF THE ENGLISH WOMEN AT THIS ISLE.
THE ENGLISH SHIPS REFRESH THEIR MEN HERE; AND DEPART ALL TOGETHER.
OF THE DIFFERENT COURSES FROM HENCE TO ENGLAND.
THEIR COURSE AND ARRIVAL IN THE ENGLISH CHANNEL AND THE DOWNS.


ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAPS.

TITLE PAGE OF THE FIRST EDITION OF A NEW VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.

WILLIAM DAMPIER. BY T. MURRAY. FROM THE PAINTING IN THE NATIONAL PORTRAIT
GALLERY.

A PAGE OF DAMPIER'S JOURNAL (SLOANE MANUSCRIPTS 3236).

MAP OF THE WORLD.

MAP OF THE MIDDLE PART OF AMERICA.

MAP OF THE EAST INDIES.

MAP OF THE BASHEE ISLANDS, PULO CONDORE, ETC.


INDEX OF PERSONS, PLACES AND SHIPS MENTIONED IN A NEW VOYAGE ROUND THE
WORLD.

...


A NEW VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD BY WILLIAM DAMPIER.


AN INTRODUCTION BY SIR ALBERT GRAY, K.C.B., K.C.

Dampier's New Voyage on its publication won immediate success, and has
ever since maintained its place in the front rank among the most notable
records of maritime adventure. It stands midway between the epic tales of
Hakluyt and the official narratives of the world voyages of Anson and
Cook. As a record of buccaneering it comes between the applauded
filibustering of Hawkins and Drake and the condemned piracy of the
eighteenth century. The stories of the buccaneers are on the verge of
romance. On an episode in the life of one of them Defoe founded one of
the great romances of all time--"a most circumstantial and elaborate
lie," as Leslie Stephen calls it, "for which we are all grateful." No
buccaneer's story has had anything like the popularity of Robinson
Crusoe: but it may be noted that when Defoe essayed to tell lying tales
of pirates such as Captain Avery, founded on Dampier and other writers of
fact, the subsequent popularity has been with the true story.

In his Preface Dampier describes his book as "composed of a mixed
relation of places and actions," a modest and inadequate indication which
would hardly be approved by the advertising experts of the present day.
The relation of places was, in fact, an extensive contribution to the
geographical and ethnographical knowledge of his time. Nor does the
description take count of the frequent excursions in the realm of natural
history which diversify the main story with detailed accounts of tropical
animals and plants, not highly scientific indeed, but accurate for the
most part and novel to his readers.

Another more general description is that of the title page, "A voyage
round the world." A reader must presume from such a title some intention
of circumnavigation at the start, and some continuous prosecution of the
aim. Dampier, however, left England without any purpose of rounding the
globe, and apparently had no mind to do so until, after many years of
devotion to other pursuits, he found himself already halfway home. His
was no single voyage, rather the haphazard resultant of episodical
voyages, some only of which were in the line of circumnavigation; in the
course of these voyages he must have sailed in a dozen ships, apart from
canoes and other boats. He accomplished the grand tour, however, a feat
which in his time could with luck have been achieved in two years--it
took him twelve and a half.

Many men who recount adventures in which they have borne a part describe
fully their own actions and conduct; some with a particularity trying to
the reader's patience. Dampier is not one of these. In the New Voyage,
which began when he was 27, he says nothing of his previous life and
throughout shows a too strict reserve in regard to his share in the
events related. To enable readers of the present volume to form some
estimate of the man a sketch of his life, however inadequate, has to be
provided. The details of his subsequent career, which includes a second
circumnavigation and two other notable voyages, would be hardly
appropriate here. They will not be touched further than seems necessary
for an appraisement of Dampier's conduct and character.

LIFE BEFORE THE NEW VOYAGE.

All that is known of Dampier's early life is told by himself in the first
chapter of his Voyages to the Bay of Campeachy. He was born in the
earlier half of 1652, the son of a farmer at East Coker, near Yeovil. His
father died in 1662, and his mother in 1668. His parents had designed him
for commercial life; he was sent to school, probably at Yeovil, and
attended the Latin class. On the death of his mother his guardians "took
other measures" and "removed me from the Latin school to learn writing
and arithmetic," in other words, transferred him to the Modern Side. A
year or so later, having had "very early inclinations to see the world,"
he was apprenticed to the master of a Weymouth ship and with him made a
voyage to France and then to Newfoundland. He was "pinched with the
rigour of that cold climate" and set his heart on a long voyage in summer
seas. Soon after his return to London his chance came and, now 19 years
of age, he embarked on a voyage to Bantam, serving before the mast.
Returning home early in 1672, he spent the rest of the year with his
brother in Somersetshire.

He soon tired of home life and the Second Dutch War was now afoot.
Dampier enlisted and fought under Sir Edward Spragge in his first two
engagements. A day or two before the third, in which Sir Edward was
killed, he fell sick and after a long illness went home to his brother.
There a neighbouring gentleman, Colonel Hillier, made him an offer of
employment in the management of his plantation in Jamaica under a Mr.
Whalley, and he set forth in the Content of London, working his passage
as a seaman, under agreement for his discharge on arrival. This he deemed
necessary lest he should be "trepanned and sold as a servant after my
arrival in Jamaica." For six months he worked with Mr. Whalley on the
plantation "16-Mile walk," i.e. from Spanish Town: then took service
under Captain Heming on his plantation at St. Ann's, in the north of the
island. He soon left an employment in which, as he says, he was clearly
out of his element, and spent some months in trading cruises round the
island, during which he "came acquainted with all the ports and bays
about Jamaica and with their manufactures, as also with the benefit of
the land and sea-winds." He thus early began his habits of close
observation of men and nature. Now also began his practice of keeping a
journal, which he had omitted in his voyage to Bantam.

Between 1675 and 1678 Dampier spent about two years in cutting and
loading log-wood on the Bay of Campeachy, an occupation which he seemed
to have enjoyed. The resistance of Spain to foreign intrusion was
becoming feeble, and Dampier reckons there were 270 Englishmen engaged in
the log-wood trade. "It is not my business," he adds, "to determine how
far we might have a right of cutting wood there." He did not, however,
get rich on it, and at length in straightened circumstances was
constrained to take a turn with some privateers along the gulf as far as
Vera Cruz. For a short time he resumed work at Campeachy, thence
returning to Jamaica and back to London (August 1678). He gave himself
only a six months' leave, during which he married Judith* ----, from the
household of the Duke of Grafton (see below). It does not appear that
they had any children, and nothing more is known of the wife till some 25
years later. He had to work for his living and now projected another
expedition to Campeachy--"but it proved to be a voyage round the world."

(*Footnote. Her Christian name appears in a codicil to a revoked will of
1703.)

HIS FIRST CIRCUMNAVIGATION.*

(*Footnote. The following writers were comrades of Dampier in parts of
the voyage. The extent to which they are more or less synoptical is shown
by reference to the chapters of this book. (1) Basil Ringrose, Part 4 of
the History of the Buccaneers, Sloane Manuscripts 3820 (Dampier,
Introduction and Chapters 1 to 3); (2) Lionel Wafer, New Voyage and
Description, etc., 1699 (Dampier, Introduction and Chapters 1 to 3); (3)
William Ambrosia Cowley, Voyage round the World, 1699 (Dampier Chapters 4
to 5); (4) Bartholomew Sharp, Voyages and Adventures, in the Dampier
Voyages, 1727, Sloane Manuscripts 45, 46B (Dampier, Introduction and
Chapters 1 to 3); (5) John Cox, An account of our Proceedings, etc.,
Sloane Manuscripts 49 (Dampier, Chapters 1 to 3).)

As has been noted the circumnavigation was a haphazard tour interrupted
by digressions as accidental and whimsical as some in the Autobiography
of Tristram Shandy. For the convenience of the reader I have divided the
whole into eight stages, each of which is a more or less separate cruise,
defined by change of direction, ship or captain.

FIRST STAGE.

Dampier set out on the memorable adventures recorded in the present
volume in an early month of 1679, embarking as a passenger in the Loyal
Merchant of London, Captain Knapman. On arrival in Jamaica in April he
spent the remainder of the year there. Having bought a small estate in
Dorsetshire, he was near returning home to complete the purchase when Mr.
Hobby invited him to join in a trading voyage to the Moskito shore, and
he "sent the writing of my new purchase" to England by the hands of
friends. As fate would have it Mr. Hobby put into Negril Bay at the west
end of Jamaica, where a squadron of buccaneers was assembled under
Captains John Coxon, Sawkins, Bartholomew Sharp, and other worthies. The
temptation which led many an honest man to the buccaneering life could
not be resisted. "Mr. Hobby's men all left him to go with them upon an
expedition they had contrived, leaving not one with him beside myself."
After three or four days Dampier went too, and no more is heard of Mr.
Hobby.

BUCCANEERING.

I allow myself at this point, following Shandean precedent, to interpose
a digression on buccaneering. Under this polite West Indian synonym for
piracy, the profession was at the zenith of its prosperity when Dampier
joined in: it had acquired indeed some measure of respectability. Some
knowledge of its history in the West Indies, and of the current state of
public opinion in regard to it, is needed for understanding how a man of
Dampier's character, and many like him, came to be associated with it,
untroubled by more than occasional twinges of conscience.

Earlier in the century the hunters of Hispaniola were waging a not
unrighteous warfare against Spanish tyranny. From the boucans, frames or
hurdles, on which their meat was roasted, they got the name of
buccaneers. They obtained the assistance of French and English
adventurers, and the war was extended to the sea. With the accession of
more and more reckless spirits from Europe whose only object was booty,
the local justification was lost, and the buccaneers, whose exploits are
told by Esquemeling, Dampier and Burney, and ever since followed with
zest and sympathy by boys young and old (including Charles Kingsley) were
for the most part pirates.*

(*Footnote. Some had commissions of various import from French or English
authorities. Thus Captain Swan had one from the Duke of York, neither to
give offence to the Spaniards nor to receive any affront from them. With
this Swan, under plea of such an affront, "thought he had a lawful
commission of his own to right himself." Dampier had not seen the French
commissions, but heard that they were "to fish, fowl, and hunt," and were
nominally confined to Hispaniola: the French, nevertheless, "make them a
pretence for a general ravage in any part of America, by sea or land."
(See below.) Captain Cook succeeded to one of these by right of seizing
the French Captain Tristian's bark! Most of the buccaneers, however, did
not trouble about commissions. In his threatening letter to the president
of Panama, Captain Sawkins promised to visit that city when his force was
ready, declaring, in language fine enough to glorify a better cause, that
he would "bring our commissions on the muzzles of our guns, at which time
he should read them as plain as the flame of gunpowder could make them"
(Ringrose, History of the Buccaneers Part 4 Chapter 8).)

The glamour which surrounds the buccaneers can be partly accounted for.
Their enterprises have seemed to be a continuation of those of Hawkins
and Drake, the national heroes of the preceding century, and thus worthy
of a measure of their praise.*

(*Footnote. "The exploits of Drake and Raleigh were imitated, upon a
smaller scale indeed, but with equally desperate valour, by small bands
of pirates, gathered from all nations, but chiefly French and English."
Sir W. Scott Rokeby, Canto 1 Note D). The scale was in fact much larger.)

True, the enemy in both cases was Spain, and in Dampier's time, despite
the friendly policy of James I and Charles I, Spain was still regarded as
the national foe. Spanish cruelties to the natives and to honest traders
whom they imprisoned rankled in the hearts of Englishmen. There was,
however, no national or religious enthusiasm behind the buccaneers, whose
operations had a different origin and were instigated solely by motives
of plunder. Mr. Andrew Lang's description of the buccaneers* as "the most
hideously ruthless miscreants that ever disgraced the earth and the sea"
is true enough of the leaders of the preceding decades, such as
L'Olonnois (French) Bartholomew Portuquez, Roche Braziliano (Dutch) and
we may add Henry Morgan (Welsh). Even these villains had their several
accounts for settlement with the Spaniards. L'Olonnois had been kidnapped
and sold as a slave; Morgan, too, had been sold as a slave; Esquemeling,
their historian, had been beaten, tortured and nearly starved to death.
The captains whom Dampier served were of a more humane stamp. The change
may be seen by a comparison of the original Esquemeling with the
supplement of Ringrose and with the stories of Dampier and the others of
his time. Though engaged in a lawless war the later captains conducted it
more according to the existing laws of war, and they treated their
Spanish enemies with respect and occasional chivalry. As for the men
comprising the crews they were of no worse class than those who manned
the ships of war or merchantmen of the time. They were simply children of
fortune, some of good behaviour, some vicious and drunken, a few provided
with education,** many with none, like the mixed companies who some 60 or
70 years ago crowded to the goldfields of Australia and California.

(*Footnote. Essays in Little and Preface to Esquemeling's History of the
Buccaneers Broadway Translations 1893.)

(**Footnote. Ringrose, who was one of these, tells us of another, Richard
Gopson, who died on the return journey across the Isthmus. He had been
apprentice to a druggist in London but "was an ingenious man and a good
scholar, and had with him a Greek Testament which he frequently read, and
would translate ex tempore into English to such of the company as were
disposed to hear him.")

As the enterprises of the buccaneers were lawless, so were the relations
of the captains and crews. Readers of this volume will note the fitful
allegiance of the captains to the commander-in-chief, and of the crews to
the captains. Dissensions led to frequent mutinies and desertions: these
however seem to have been treated as no more abnormal than changes of the
weather. They were settled without violence, and in most cases amicably,
the men following the captains they liked best.

The troubles of Spanish America are rightly traced to the Bull of the
Borgia pope who divided the Spanish and Portuguese claims of conquest by
lines of longitude, and to the exclusive commercial policy based on that
award. The filibustering of the Elizabethan seamen was England's protest
against the preposterous claim founded on a papal decree, not sanctioned
by more than sparse settlements on the vast coasts of two continents. As
Sir Charles Lucas says, the Spaniards "claimed rather than possessed, and
did little either in conquest or settlement."*

(*Footnote. Historical Geography of the British Colonies West Indies page
296.)

England's protest brought forth the Spanish Armada; its destruction,
however, did not produce a settlement of the international situation in
America. More than 80 years later the operations of the buccaneers,
insulting to Spain and cruelly destructive of Spanish life and property,
impossible as they were for the English government to defend, led to the
conclusion of the treaty of 1670. It was a one-sided agreement which
protected for England little more than Jamaica, while for Spain the whole
of her settlements on both sides of America were to be immune.
Exemplifying the foolish ideas of the time in regard to commercial policy
it proposed to secure not mutual but exclusive trade. It provided that
the subjects of the confederates "shall abstain and forbear to sail and
trade in the ports and havens which have fortifications, castles,
magazines, or warehouses, and in all places whatever possessed by the
other party in the West Indies." The governors of Jamaica did what they
could, without sufficient power to their elbows, to carry the treaty into
effect. Some buccaneers were punished, but when Dampier, nine years
later, came on the scene, the game was more popular than ever and
attracted many hundreds of adventurers from both England and France. At
this time the French were more occupied with gaining a footing in
Hispaniola, and thus most of the sea work "on the account," such was the
euphemism, was done by the English.*

(*Footnote. Nulli melius piraticum exercant quam Angli, says Scaliger.)

Trading between nations is a natural propensity, and an exclusive trade
agreement was one certain to be resented and disregarded. The Spaniards
on their side did little to ease the situation.* Englishmen and Frenchmen
when they fell into their power were put to death or imprisoned with
barbarous severities.** They did not on all occasions feel bound to keep
their word with heretics. Their oppressive treatment of the natives led
many tribes to give active or covert assistance to the intruders.
Although at times, as we shall see, they fought with their old valour, in
most cases they lived in a state of terror, vacated their towns at the
first assault, and were held in contempt by the English freebooters.

(*Footnote. Sir Henry Morgan does, however, in 1680 (Cal SP America and
West Indies) mention the arrival at Port Royal of a "good English
merchantman" which had been trading with the Spaniards on the Main. She
reported a friendly reception of herself, but great desolation of the
maritime towns through the frequent sacking of the privateers.)

(**Footnote. See despatch of sir Thomas Lynch 26 July 1683 in Cal SP
America and West Indies.)

Public opinion at home was not seriously adverse to the buccaneers.*
Morgan, the most notorious professor of the craft, after being
alternately commissioned and prosecuted as a privateer, was knighted and
appointed lieutenant-governor of Jamaica. Some of Dampier's associates,
prosecuted on their return to England on charges of piracy, were
acquitted or liberated after short imprisonment. At this time, when
larceny of a sheep or ass was punishable with death, the penalty of
piracy, under the statute 28 Henry VIII c 15, unless accompanied by
murder, was only fine and imprisonment.** James II had proclaimed a
pardon for buccaneers, and the open confession of piracy in Ringrose's
and Dampier's narratives created little or no danger of prosecution:
there was evidently no fear even of adverse public criticism. In
Dampier's case his book opened for him the door of employment under
government.

(*Footnote. The New Englanders heartily supported buccaneering and throve
on it. On 25 August 1684 Governor Cranfield records the arrival at Boston
of a French privateer of 35 guns. When she was sighted the Bostonians
sent a messenger and a pilot to convoy her into port in defiance of the
King's Proclamation, which they tore down. He adds that the pirates were
likely to leave the greatest part of their booty behind them (amounting
to 700 pounds a man) as they had bought up most of the choice goods in
Boston. Cal SP America and West Indies. Much further evidence is supplied
by the official correspondence.)

(**Footnote. Under the date 20 May 1680 the Council of Jamaica wrote to
the commissioners of trade and plantations of the "detestable
depredations of some of our nation (who pass for inhabitants of Jamaica)
under colour of French commissions," referring to them as "ravenous
vermin." They suggested that piracy should be punished as felony without
benefit of clergy.)

SECOND STAGE.

The expedition contrived by the pirate leaders was an attack on
Portobello, the rich isthmus city near the site of the famous Nombre de
Dios.*

(*Footnote. The capture of Portobello is described in the History of the
Buccaneers Part 3 Chapter 12. The details of other events, shortly
summarised by Dampier in his Chapter 1, are supplied by Basil Ringrose in
Part 4 of that History. For this first period my quotations are from
Ringrose. Another account of this stage of Dampier's voyage is given by
Lionel Wafer, the surgeon, in his New Voyage and Description, who was
with him in one ship or another till 25 August 1685 when Davis and Swan
parted company (see Chapter 8). Wafer's book was not published till after
Dampier's in 1699.)

The buccaneer force consisted of nine ships, two of them French, and 477
men. The place was easily taken and, though it had been sacked by Morgan
only 11 years ago, the booty gave a dividend of 40 pounds per man. A
proposal was now made, on the instigation of friendly Indians, to march
across the Isthmus to the city of Santa Maria. The French broke off: they
"were not willing to go to Panama, declaring themselves generally against
a long march by land." The force was thus reduced by two ships and 111
men. Two of the captains with a party of seamen were left "to guard our
ships in our absence with which we intended to return home." The
expeditionary force of 331 men landed and marched forward in seven
companies carrying flags of various colours; "all or most of them were
armed with fusee, pistol and hanger." The adventurous march with this
trivial armament was completed in ten days: Santa Maria was taken with no
loss of men but produced little or no booty. The force, which had been
provided by the Indians with 35 canoes, then got separated and one party
appeared off Panama at the island of Perico, where were anchored "five
great ships and three pretty big barks." The buccaneers numbered only 68
men in five canoes: they nevertheless attacked and took the barks after a
desperate resistance. An admiral was killed and in one of the barks the
Spaniards lost 61 out of 86 men: all but eight of the rest were wounded.
The buccaneers' casualties were 18 killed and 22 wounded. It was then
found that the five ships were deserted, their crews having been
transferred to man the barks; the biggest was La Santissima Trinidad of
400 tons. The freebooters found themselves in possession of more than
sufficient shipping to carry them wither they would. The action, however,
occasioned a second breach in the brotherhood. Captain Coxon, the
commander-in-chief, was charged with backwardness in the engagement, and
some "sticked not to defame or brand him with the note of cowardice."
Coxon thereupon withdrew from the fleet taking 70 men with him, and
recrossed the Isthmus.* The next adventure, an attack on Puebla Nova, was
a grievous failure, costing the death of Captain Sawkins, the new
commander-in-chief, "a man as stout as could be, and beloved above any
other that ever we had amongst us, as he well deserved."** A minority, 63
in number, who so lamented Sawkins that they could not serve his
successor Sharp, mutinied and left for the Isthmus in an old ship
assigned to them. They had hardly gone when another mutiny broke out. The
men on one of the prizes to which Captain Edmund Cook was appointed by
Sharp refused to serve under him: Cook joined Sharp's ship and Captain
Cox took over the command of the mutinous crew, with the status "as it
were of vice-admiral."

(*Footnote. Coxon's subsequent career is told by Mr. Masefield (Volume 1
page 531). He spent the rest of his life in the Caribbean Sea,
alternately in piracy and as a government agent in the suppression of
piracy. Latterly he went trading with the Moskito Indians and died among
them in 1688.)

(**Footnote. So wrote Ringrose (Sloane Manuscripts 3820). in his
published story (History of the Buccaneers Part 4) the passage appears
thus: "a man who was as valiant and courageous as any could be, and
likewise, next to Captain Sharp, the best beloved of our company or the
most part thereof." The discrepancy is thus accounted for. Ringrose
returned to England in 1682 and sailed again with Captain Swan in October
1683. in his absence his manuscript was doctored by Sharp, or his
shipmate Hack, before its publication in 1685 in the supplement to the
History. Sharp perhaps anticipated that Ringrose would never return to
confute him; and he did not, being killed in Mexico, as we shall see, in
February 1686.)

Off Guayaquil they captured a bark which they sank after replacing from
her their rigging damaged in the encounter. A designed attack on Arica
failed owing to heavy weather which prevented a landing from the boats.
With little difficulty they next captured the city of La Serena, an
exploit not even mentioned by Dampier, but described with much zest by
Ringrose. The city had no less than seven great churches and each had its
organ. The houses had charming gardens and orchards "as well and as
neatly furnished as those in England, producing strawberries as big as
walnuts and very delicious to the taste." Sad to relate, owing to the
Spaniards' failure to pay the 95,000 pieces-of-eight demanded as ransom,
this agreeable city was burned to the ground.

At Juan Fernandez, the most southerly point of the cruise, another mutiny
broke out. According to Ringrose there was a division of opinion, some
for going home by way of the Straits of Magellan, others for a further
cruise on the Pacific coast. Sharp was deposed from his command in favour
of Watling. The ships left the island on 14 January 1681, the crews in
smouldering discontent. The leaders seem to have thought that the best
chance of harmony lay in carrying out a successful coup: a second attack
on Arica was accordingly resolved upon. At Iquique Island near that town
information for the assault was demanded from four prisoners: that given
by one old mestizo was hastily believed to be false, and he was summarily
shot. This brutal act raised further dissension and Captain Sharp, in one
of his apocryphal additions to Ringrose's text, states that, after a vain
protest, he, Pilate-fashion, "took water and washed his hands saying,
'Gentlemen, I am clear of the blood of this old man: and I will warrant
you a hot day for this piece of cruelty whenever we come to fight at
Arica!'" Ringrose says not a word of this, nor does Sharp himself in his
own journal: he probably invented the lie because the attack on Arica in
fact turned out a bloody and profitless affair. Captain Watling and both
quartermasters--28 men in all--were killed; 18 others desperately
wounded, and some, including three surgeons who were drinking instead of
fighting or attending the wounded, were taken prisoners. The town was
stormed with reckless courage and half taken against a stubborn defence.
The Spaniards with superior numbers counter-attacked again and again and
finally drove the marauders back to their ships.*

(*Footnote. Cox attributes the failure at Arica to "having landed on
Sunday 30 January, it being the anniversary of King Charles the First and
a fatal day for the English to engage on.")

Great expectations were thus disappointed, Arica being the port from
which "is fetched all the plate that is carried to Lima, the head city of
Peru." On the death of Watling Sharp resumed the command. Ringrose (as
emended by Sharp himself) eulogises this captain as "a man of undaunted
courage and of an excellent conduct," while according to Dampier the
company were "not satisfied either with his courage or behaviour." The
opinion of the crews was put to the test by voting at the island of
Plata. The majority, including Ringrose, went for Sharp: the minority of
44, including Dampier and Wafer,* seceded. At this point Dampier takes up
the chronicle, but we part from Ringrose with regret.**

(*Footnote. Wafer says: "I was of Mr. Dampier's side in that matter and
chose to go back to the Isthmus rather than stay under a captain in whom
we experienced neither courage nor conduct." It need not be inferred from
this that Dampier took a lead in the mutiny. Wafer's book, published two
years later, was addressed to readers presumably acquainted with
Dampier's.)

(**Footnote. His spirited and admirably written narrative shows him to
have been a man of education, witness that on an emergency he was able to
make shift with Latin for talk with a Spaniard. He went home with Captain
Sharp and wrote his story which forms Part 4 of the History of the
Buccaneers. He came out again with Captain Cook to Virginia, where
Dampier joined them. He was killed in an ambush near Santa Pecaque, in
Mexico, February 1686 (see below).)

Now that Dampier tells his story in detail less commentary is needed. In
Chapters 1 and 3 he has much to say about the friendly Moskito Indians
and their wonderful skill in striking fish, turtle and manatees. On this
account they were "esteemed and coveted by all privateers," and some of
them were always part of the ships' complements in the cruises on both
sides of the Isthmus: they are the men to whom Dampier frequently refers
as "strikers." In his account of the laborious journey of 23 days over
the Isthmus (Chapter 2)--the outward crossing had taken them only
ten--the reader will specially note how he preserved his journal in a
joint of bamboo, waxed at both ends. The exhausted party were taken on
board Captain Tristian's ship on 24 May 1681,* and here is concluded the
second stage of the voyage round the world. Since Portobello the
expedition had been a failure in capture of plate. Other booty had to be
discarded for want of neutral ports for its realisation, and Dampier's
party brought back little or nothing. It was about 2 1/2 years since he
had left London.

(*Footnote. Later they were there joined by Lionel Wafer, the surgeon,
who had been severely injured by an explosion of powder during the
transit, and was left with other stragglers in the charge of friendly
Indians, with whom he remained some five months. Wafer, by reason of his
medical skill, lived "in great splendour and repute," and was so "adored"
by his hosts that they tattooed him "in yellow, red, and blue, very
bright and lovely." When he rejoined his friends at La Sound's Key he was
at first not recognised, and then with hilarity.)

Dampier is so reticent about himself that it is difficult to hazard an
opinion as to the part he took in this or any other buccaneering cruise.
There is nothing to go upon: throughout the voyages of this volume he
never commanded a ship nor an expedition: he does not tell us how he was
rated, or what part he took in affairs--he gave his advice occasionally,
and joined in the mutiny at Plata, intimating, however, that he took no
active share in it. Nor does he appear to have been much in the forefront
of battle, as Ringrose was. The only friendship he seems to have formed
was with Ringrose, whom he called friend and "worthy consort." He is not
even mentioned by Sharp, Cowley, or Cox. His attitude towards the wild
men with whom he associated was one of aloofness. His chief concern was
the study of geography, the winds and tides, the plants and animals, and
keeping his journal posted up.

THIRD STAGE.

From Captain Tristian Dampier was transferred to another Frenchman,
Captain Archemboe (probably Archambaut) but soon grew "weary of living
with the French." Their sailors were "the saddest creatures that ever I
was among." By insistence he compelled Captain Wright to add him with
other English to his crew. The cruise in the Caribbean Sea described in
Chapter 3, though it brought the pirates little profit, gave Dampier
plenty of time for his favourite studies and observations. He was at the
island of Aves little more than a year after the disaster to Count
d'Estree's fleet (February 1681) which he describes from hearsay. Off the
Caracas coast he and 20 others took one of the ships and their share of
the spoil and sailed off to Virginia. He does not specify the cause of
the defection or the intention in choosing that destination. Of his 13
months' stay there he says no more than that he fell into troubles of
some sort.

FOURTH STAGE.

In August 1683 he again joins the buccaneers in the Revenge, Captain
Cook. The cruise was a long one round the Horn and up the Pacific coast
as described in Chapters 4 to 9. The course taken was to the Cape Verde
Islands and Sierra Leone. Here the buccaneers boarded and took a fine
Danish vessel, the Bachelor's Delight, 36 guns, to which Cook transferred
his crew. It was an act of piracy so flagrant, committed against a
friendly nation, without such shadow of excuse as was deemed to justify
harms to Spain, that Dampier is evidently ashamed to mention it. Cowley
relates the incident without compunction. Dampier sailed with Cook till
his death at Cape Blanco in June 1684, thereafter with his successor,
Captain Davis. On the Bachelor's Delight he found "the men more under
command than I have ever seen privateers, yet I could not expect to find
them at a minute's call." This is the only indication Dampier gives of
his rating and Mr. Masefield suggests with some probability that he was
second master or master's mate under Ambrosia Cowley.* Cook was joined
(March 1684) by Captain Eaton in the Nicholas, and in October, at Plata,
by Captain Swan in the Cygnet.

(*Footnote. William Ambrosia Cowley was master and pilot of the Revenge
and sailed in her and the Bachelor's Delight until the parting of
Captains Davis and Eaton (September 1684). He joined Eaton and reached
England by way of the East Indies in October 1686, having deserted Eaton
at the Philippines. He published his narrative Captain Cowley's Voyage
round the World in 1699 (see further Masefield Volume 1 page 532). The
book is interesting on some points of detail, but untrustworthy.)

Swan's case was a pitiful one: the Cygnet, fitted out by London merchants
for lawful trade, had met Captain Peter Harris and a party of buccaneers
at Nicoya with a considerable booty in hand. Swan's men, with whom he had
already had difficulties at the straits, were now seduced, and he was
compelled to turn pirate. He was no backslider, however--it was by his
order that Payta was burned to the ground in default of ransom (Chapter
6). Nevertheless his deflection from the path of virtue and duty weighed
heavily on his mind. In a letter from Panama to a friend, quoted by Mr.
Masefield, he asks him to assure his employers that "I do all I can to
preserve their interests and that what I do now I could in no wise
prevent. So desire them to do what they can with the King for me, for as
soon as I can I shall deliver myself to the King's justice." His view now
was that if the buccaneers were backed by the government "the King might
make this whole kingdom of Peru tributary to him in two years' time." As
he wrote the attack on the Lima fleet was impending, and he adds in a
message to his wife, "I shall, with God's help, do things which (were it
with my Prince's leave) would make her a lady: but now I cannot tell but
it may bring me to a halter." His end is told in Chapter 16.

The climax of this cruise was to have been the capture of the fleet
carrying treasure from Lima to Panama. Davis and Swan had now (May 1685)
been joined by Captains Townley and Harris, and by a French contingent
under Captain Gronet. The growth of the piratical movement is seen in the
numbers given by Dampier. The buccaneers had ten sail (six ships and four
tenders, etc.) carrying no less than 960 men. They had, however, only 52
guns, these being in Davis's and Swan's ships. The Spaniards on the other
hand had 14 sail, six of them "of good force," with 174 guns in all.
Everything went against the pirates. While they had the weather-gage
Gronet failed them: the Spaniards by a ruse obtained the weather-gage,
and a running fight round the bay ensued, from which the assailants were
glad to escape. In the event of success there would have been no booty of
plate, that having been already landed at Lavelia in view of a probable
attack.*

(*Footnote. The failure was attributed to Gronet, and he was cashiered,
as Dampier relates at the close of Chapter 7. After a long cruise he fell
in with Townley again and with him had better success. They sacked
Grenada and Realejo. Subsequently in April 1686 he sacked Guayaquil and
took a large booty, but he died of wounds received in the attack. Townley
after parting with Gronet attacked and took Lavelia with much spoil, but
in August 1686 met his end in an action with Spanish ships in the gulf of
Panama. Masefield volume 1 page 538.)

The noteworthy events of this cruise, besides captures of casual prizes,
are the taking and burning of Payta, and the abortive attempt on
Guayaquil (Chapter 6) the taking and burning of Leon in Nicaragua, where
was killed an old buccaneer who had fought with Cromwell in Ireland; and
the parting of Davis and Swan* (Chapter 8). Dampier, "not from any
dislike to my old captain but to get some knowledge of the Mexican
coast," joined up with Swan, who was minded to pass over to the East
Indies, "which was a way very agreeable to my inclination." Thus is first
inferentially expressed his intention of circumnavigation, more than 6
1/2 years after he set out from England.

(*Footnote. Davis cruised for some time on the Pacific coast, returning
with Lionel Wafer by way of the Horn to Virginia, where they settled for
about three years. Arrested there for piracy they were sent to London for
trial but were acquitted. After some years spent partly in London he
returned to Jamaica, and on the outbreak of the War of the Spanish
Succession joined a privateer in raids on the Spanish gold-mines. His
account of this adventure is appended to the second edition of Wafer's
book 1704.)

FIFTH STAGE.

On breaking with Davis Swan's chief object in crossing the Pacific
(Dampier probably sharing it) was to have done with buccaneering, and by
honest trading to reinstate himself in the good graces of his employers.
To induce his men to go with him, however, he was obliged to hold out
hopes of further piracy in the East Indies. At Guam in the Ladrones he
made no attempt to pursue an Acapulco ship, being "now wholly averse to
any hostile action." At Mindanao the party conducted themselves as
traders and were hospitably entertained by the sultan. Little trade was
available and thoughts were entertained of settling there, the men being
now weary lotus-eaters. The six months' residence at this place led to
serious trouble: Swan became brutal and tyrannical towards his men,
succumbed to the attractions of the town, and made long absences from his
ship. Another mutiny was the result; the majority of the crew seized the
ship, left Swan ashore, and sailed off under a new captain--Read.
Dampier's conduct on this occasion exhibits the same aloofness as on
other occasions. He took no part in the men's conspiracy, nor, on the
other hand, as it would seem, in the attempt to get Swan aboard. In spite
of his better feelings he became a pirate for another 18 months.

SIXTH STAGE.

The voyage under Captain Read, from the buccaneering point of view, was a
complete failure. Though "our business was to pillage," only two prizes
were taken and those of little account. Much sea and land, however, was
explored, as is seen by the route--Manila, Pulo Condore, Formosa,
Celebes, the north coast of Australia and the Nicobars. Here Dampier
ended his buccaneering career of 8 1/2 years. The men had become more and
more drunken, quarrelsome, and unruly, and Dampier looked for an
opportunity to escape from "this mad crew."* A canoe was obtained and
Dampier, the surgeon, and another Englishman, with a few natives, set out
for Achin. In his terror during a storm which threatened to overwhelm
their puny craft Dampier "made sad reflections on my former life and
looked back with horror and detestation on actions which before I
disliked but now I trembled at the remembrance of." In his escape from
the dangers attendant on those actions curiously enough he recognised the
protection of Heaven. "I did also call to mind the many miraculous acts
of God's Providence towards me in the whole course of my life."

(*Footnote. See below: "I did ever abhor drunkenness, which now our men
that were abroad abandoned themselves wholly to.")

Whatever condemnation may be passed on Dampier's long association with
pirates it must be noted to his credit that during the whole period of
this cruise in the archipelago, while his companions were drinking and
brawling, he was studiously recording his observations. His six months'
residence at Mindanao provides us with a full description of plant and
animal life, as also of the inhabitants, their government, religion,
manners, and customs (Chapters 11 and 12). Here too comes on the scene
that curious Prince Jeoly, the "painted prince," whom Dampier brought to
England for show and there sold as his only asset.*

(*Footnote. Mr. Masefield quotes a broadsheet of the time (Dampier Voyage
Volume 1 page 539) from which it appears that the prince was on view at
the Blue Boar's Head in Fleet Street.)

SEVENTH STAGE.

From Achin, and for the rest of the circumnavigation, Dampier was for the
most part a mere passenger. First a voyage to Tonquin with Captain Welden
(July 1688 to April 1689) thence to Malacca and Fort George and back to
Achin and Bencoolen, where he was employed as gunner in the English fort
for five months. This section of his travels is omitted from the New
Voyage and reserved for the Voyage to Tonquin. At Achin, as will be seen
in Chapter 18, he learns the further adventures of Captain Read and his
crew whom he had deserted at the Nicobars.

EIGHTH STAGE.

His eventful voyage now draws to a close (Chapters 19 and 20). Getting a
passage from Bencoolen in the Defence, Captain Heath, Dampier arrived in
the Downs on 16 September 1691, 12 1/2 years since he had left England.
All buccaneer's visions of a home-coming with ample booty in bar gold or
pieces-of-eight had vanished, and he landed with no more marketable
commodities than a tattooed native.

DAMPIER'S SUBSEQUENT LIFE.

On his return to England Dampier was 39 years of age. Further great
voyages were in store for him, each of which would require its own
commentary. None, however, has been so attractive to the reading public
as the New Voyage, it may be because the other expeditions, though
comprising exploits and adventure, are hardly so attractive to
law-abiding citizens as those to which additional zest is provided by
contempt of law.

For six years nothing is known of Dampier's life except that he was at
Corunna in 1694, probably in a merchant ship. It is likely that he made
other such voyages: in the intervals he was preparing his New Voyage for
publication early in 1697. Its immediate success obtained for him an
appointment at the customs house as land-carriage man, and in June of
that year he was examined before the Council of Trade and Plantation with
respect to possible settlements on the Isthmus of Darien. Early in 1698
he was again examined before the council with regard to an expedition
against the pirates to the east of the Cape of Good Hope. His advice may
have been sought partly on account of his piratical experience and partly
because his book had shown that he had little heart in the business.

THE ROEBUCK VOYAGE.

He now submitted to the government proposals for a new voyage of
exploration to New Holland, which were accepted. He was appointed captain
of the Roebuck, 21 guns, his first command, at the age of 47. He tells
the story of his cruise in his Voyage to New Holland, published in two
parts, 1703 and 1709. The expedition went awry from the first and for
divers causes. His ship was unseaworthy for a long voyage, and he
quarrelled with his men, especially with his lieutenant, Fisher, whom he
put in irons and handed over as a prisoner to the Portuguese governor at
Bahia. At Shark's Bay, in Western Australia, scurvy and the lack of water
and provisions broke his spirit and he turned homewards. After touching
at Timor, Batavia, and the Cape he got his crazy vessel as far as
Ascension where she foundered. There he got a passage in a man-of-war to
Barbados and so home in a merchantman. From the point of view of
exploration the voyage was no great success: he might have anticipated
Cook, Furneaux, and Flinders, and he touched only the barren coast of
Western Australia.* His failure was largely due to his employers, who
gave him an unseaworthy and badly provisioned ship, and to his mutinous
crew. It would be unjust to attribute the failure to his incompetency as
a leader of men: all that is to be said is that in the conditions he did
not succeed as such.

(*Footnote. His name has, however, been rightly honoured in Australasia.
There is the Dampier Strait at the west end of New Guinea and also a
Dampier Island. Western Australia gives his name to a district and an
archipelago: New South Wales to a county.)

On his return he had to meet not only adverse criticism on his failure as
an explorer, but also a court martial at the instance of Lieutenant
Fisher. He was found guilty of "very hard and cruel usage towards
Lieutenant Fisher," for which the court held there were no grounds. He
was fined all his pay* and declared to be "not a fit person to be
employed as commander of any of His Majesty's ships." We cannot question
the judgment of a court the principal members of which were Sir George
Rooke and Sir Cloudesley Shovell. It was one which in our time, when
public opinion upholds legal decisions and requires governments to
respect them, would be the end of an officer's career. It was not so in
Dampier's case. We need not here consider whether the government
disagreed with the judgment or merely disregarded it, because the War of
the Spanish Succession had now broken out and Dampier's buccaneering
experience was wanted on behalf of the country. Private owners fitted out
two privateers, the St. George and the Fame, Dampier being appointed to
the former as commander. Ten months after the court martial he had an
audience of the Queen to whom he was introduced by the Lord High Admiral,
and kissed hands on his mission.

(*Footnote. That is his pay as captain: his pay as land-carriage man at
the customs was by special order paid to him during his absence and went
to the support of his wife.)

THE ST. GEORGE VOYAGE.

The only account we possess of this privateering voyage is that of
William Funnell, who was rated mate of the St. George, as he himself
claims, or as steward according to Dampier. Funnell is a dull and
malicious reporter and is not to be trusted when he deals with Dampier's
motives and conduct. Trouble began at the start, Captain Pulling in the
Fame deserting him in the Downs. His place was taken at Kinsale (August
1703) by Captain Pickering in the Cinque Ports. On the Brazilian coast
Pickering died and was succeeded by his lieutenant, Stradling. More
quarrelling ensued, enhanced by the hardships of the passage round the
Horn. Dissension between Stradling and his men led to the marooning of
Alexander Selkirk on Juan Fernandez. The failure to take two enemy ships
led to further recriminations and desertions. Dampier quarrelled with
Stradling and left him at Tobago: he quarrelled also with his own mate,
Clipperton, who went off with 21 men in a prize bark. After another
failure to capture a Manila bark, he was deserted by Funnell and 34 men.
His ship, being unseaworthy, was abandoned, and with his now reduced crew
of about 30, in a prize brigantine, he crossed the Pacific to a Dutch
island where they were imprisoned. Dampier did not reach England till the
close of 1707. So began, continued and ended in disaster his second
voyage of circumnavigation. Meanwhile Funnell had already published his
damaging book.* Dampier would perhaps have written the story of the
voyage himself but, being already engaged to go to sea, he contented
himself with publishing his Vindication in language strangely different
from that of the New Voyage. Mr. Masefield describes it as "angry and
incoherent," but it may fairly be regarded as being no more than a
collection of notes jotted down in indignation and hot haste, preparatory
to a more reasoned vindication later.**

(*Footnote. Funnell by his references in his preface to the popularity of
Dampier's previous work evidently intended to forestall Dampier by
passing off his book as another Dampier voyage.)

(**Footnote. Funnell's Voyage round the World was published in 1707.
Dampier got home later in that year and left again with Woodes Rogers 2
August 1708. Some of Funnell's passages relating to Dampier and the
Vindication, also the Answers to the Vindication, by John Welbe, a
midshipman on board Captain Dampier's ship, are set out in Mr.
Masefield's admirable edition of the Voyages, Volume 2 pages 576 to 593.
Welbe's answers are spiteful and probably in great part untrue. As Mr.
Masefield points out he contradicts them in a material particular in a
subsequent letter of 1722 preserved in the Townshend manuscripts.)

THE DUKE AND DUTCHESS VOYAGE.

When Dampier returned from his second voyage as captain the merchants of
Bristol were already organising a privateering expedition to the Pacific
under Captain Woodes Rogers, and the honourable office of pilot was
offered to Dampier. Of all his voyages this was probably the happiest to
himself. The expedition was lawful and gave him no qualms of conscience;
he was free from the cares and responsibilities of supreme command; he
served under one of the most competent captains of the time, and his
experience and ability as a navigator, as well as his wise counsel,
enabled him to contribute largely to the success of the venture. The two
vessels were the Duke and Dutchess, Dampier sailing on the former with
Rogers. In the list of officers he is described as "William Dampier,
Pilot for the South Seas, who had been already three times there and
twice round the World." Perhaps profiting by the experience of Dampier's
previous ill-equipped expeditions, the merchants had provided the ships
so liberally with provisions and gear that the between decks were badly
encumbered, and the ships "altogether in a very unfit state to engage an
enemy." The crews indeed were of the same unpromising material with which
Dampier was familiar. About one-third were foreigners, the rest landsmen,
"tailors, tinkers, pedlars, fiddlers and hay-makers." Between Cork,
"where our crew were continually marrying," and the Canaries a dangerous
mutiny broke out which Rogers promptly put down, imposing upon a
ringleader the indignity of being whipped by a fellow-conspirator.
Troubles with the crew were, however, to a large extent obviated by the
payment of regular wages: the contract of employment on the St. George
had been the vicious one of "no prey, no pay." Moreover Rogers was wise
enough to share his responsibility with his officers, and all questions
of importance were referred to committees, Dampier's name being on nearly
every list. Discipline was thus preserved and the cruise resulted in the
capture of many prizes and a very large booty, which unhappily did not
benefit Dampier, as the distribution was delayed till after his death.*

(*Footnote. The booty amounted to about 170,000 pounds, a large share
going to Woodes Rogers. He was able to rent the Bahama Islands from the
lords proprietors for 21 years and became their governor. See Rogers, W.,
in the Dictionary of National Biography.)

The most interesting feature of this voyage was the rescue of Alexander
Selkirk from the island of Juan Fernandez, which the ships might not have
hit without Dampier's knowledge of the winds. The meeting with his
countrymen after his desolate life of four years is told by Woodes
Rogers* with unconscious art, and one cannot help favourably comparing
the inarticulate Selkirk with the expansive Ben Gunn of Treasure Island.
Dampier took a leading part in the scene; he was able to tell Rogers that
Selkirk was the best man in the Cinque Ports, from which he had been
marooned; so, says Rogers, "I immediately agreed with him to be a mate on
board our ship."**

(*Footnote. Woodes Rogers published the account of the voyage, A New
Cruising Voyage round the World 1712.)

(**Footnote. The various lives of Alexander Selkirk are well summarised
in the Dictionary of National Biography. It is probable that Selkirk did
not alone provide the suggestion of Robinson Crusoe. Defoe had also
before him Dampier's account of the rescue of the marooned Moskito Indian
in Chapter 4.)

After his return from his last voyage Dampier lived 3 1/2 years more,
probably in London, where he died in the parish of St. Stephen, Coleman
Street, in March 1715. His will dated 29 November 1714 was proved on 23
March 1715. He described himself as "diseased and weak of body, but of
sound and perfect mind," and left nine-tenths of his property to his
cousin, Grace Mercer, the remaining tenth to his brother, George Dampier,
of Porton, in the county of somerset. the large share of his property
bequeathed to his cousin may indicate that she looked after him in his
last years. His wife had probably predeceased him, as she is not
mentioned in the will. By a previous will made before 1703 he had left a
sum of 200 pounds to his friend, Edward Southwell, to be disposed of as
he should think best for his wife's use. On the starting of the St.
George cruise however he was constrained to put that sum into the
venture.

DAMPIER THE MAN.

Dampier is an attractive character, but do what one will, one cannot make
a hero of him. Nor indeed does he seem to be quite in his right place on
the roll of Men of Action, with a biography by W. Clark Russell.*

(*Footnote. Dampier, by W. Clark Russell Men of Action Series. The author
is strangely inaccurate in some matters. He says it does not appear that
Dampier was ever married, and he observes that after the Roebuck voyage
Dampier had already twice circumnavigated the globe. The second round was
that on which he started in the St. George.)

During the whole of the cruises comprised in the New Voyage he served
either before the mast or as a subordinate officer, and was never chosen
for the command of a ship or an expedition; his advice does not appear to
have been asked, and when proffered was seldom followed. He took no
leading part in the various mutinies, keeping his mind to himself until
he had to take one side or the other. He is once respectfully mentioned
as Mr. William Dampier by Cowley, but never once, so far as I have
discovered, in the other narratives of Ringrose, Cox or Sharp. His whole
time, so far as not interrupted by raids or the quarrels of his rowdy
associates, was devoted to close observation of winds and tides,
geography, plants and animal life. He was in fact a student carrying for
the nonce the fusee and hanger of a buccaneer. In happier days, and with
a sounder scientific education, his status in a world cruise might have
been that of Darwin on the Beagle.

His first command of a ship at the age of 47 could not have been
conferred owing to reputation as a leader of men. The Roebuck expedition
was an official voyage of exploration initiated by his own suggestion,
and the conduct of it was given to him, there can be little doubt, on the
strength of his book, the New Voyage. The lack of success, however
attributable to the unseaworthiness and ill-provisioning of the ship, and
to the unmanageable crew, was not so damaging to his reputation as an
explorer as was the judgment of the court martial to his capacity as a
captain. His second chance, as privateersman in the St. George, was
equally unfortunate in the result. Here again he had to deal with an
unseaworthy ship and dissolute crews. In both these cases he came home
without his ship, and had to meet adverse criticism by recriminations.
Whatever excuse may be found in the adverse conditions--and there is
undoubtedly much--it can hardly be said that Dampier has established a
claim to be regarded as a leader of men. His rough experience and
scientific attainments no doubt made him a first-rate navigator, but a
reputation as an explorer cannot be founded upon a single ineffectual
visit to the coasts of Australia.

Dampier's true distinction seems to me to lie in the scientific and
literary merits of his writings. There is scientific research in all his
books, notably in his Discourse of Winds, Breezes, Storms, Tides and
Currents, a treatise which has preserved its usefulness to the present
day. The exciting adventures of his buccaneering life are told in the
modest and simple language of his time, which charms us equally in the
autobiographical fiction of Swift and Defoe. As Leslie Stephen says of
Treasure Island, we throw ourselves into the events, enjoy the thrilling
excitement, and do not bother ourselves with questions of psychology. His
contributions to nautical science are extolled by those best qualified to
judge. I will quote two naval authorities who testify also to the
literary charm of the writing. First Captain Burney*: "It is not easy to
name another voyager or traveller who has given more useful information
to the world; to whom the merchant and mariner are so much indebted; or
who has communicated his information in a more unembarrassed and
intelligible a manner. And this he has done in a style perfectly
unassuming, equally free from affectation and from the most distant
appearance of invention." Admiral Smyth** is equally eulogistic: "The
information he affords flows as from a mind which possesses the mastery
of its subject, and is desirous to communicate it. He delights and
instructs by the truth and discernment with which he narrates the
incidents of a peculiar life; and describes the attractive and important
realities of nature with a fidelity and sagacity that anticipate the
deductions of philosophy. Hence he was the first who discovered and
treated of the geological structure of sea coasts; and though the local
magnetic attraction in ships had fallen under the notice of seamen, he
was among the first to lead the way to its investigation since the facts
that 'stumbled' him at the Cape of Good Hope, respecting the variations
of the compass, excited the mind of Flinders, his ardent admirer, to
study the anomaly. His sterling sense enabled him to give the character
without the strict forms of science to his faithful delineations and
physical suggestions: and inductive enquirers have rarely been so much
indebted to any adventurer whose pursuits were so entirely remote from
their subjects of speculation."

(*Footnote. A Chronological History of the Discoveries in the South Sea
or Pacific Ocean 1803 to 1817.)

(**Footnote. United Service Journal 1837 Parts 2 and 3.)

Those who have excellently well adjudged Dampier's merits in science and
literature have hardly done justice to his personal character. On the
debit side some will reckon the unfortunate court martial, but any good
man may, in the stress of difficulties attending a sea-command, exercise
undue severity in the maintenance of his authority: and no doubt
Lieutenant Fisher was a trying subordinate. The Admiralty do not seem to
have taken quite the same view of the case as the court, as they shortly
afterwards gave Dampier a privateer's commission. Then there is the fact
that he was a buccaneer. On this point references have already been made
to the laxity of public opinion on that subject in his day. It cannot be
said that in joining the buccaneers Dampier mistook his vocation. That in
modern parlance was research, and he could not in his day have obtained
opportunities for research in the distant Caribbean and Pacific Seas
except with the buccaneers.* He was with them, but hardly one of them. As
he was less of a buccaneer, so, as I believe, he was more of a gentleman.
I have thus no need to claim or admit that "he was the mildest-mannered
man that ever scuttled ship or cut a throat." There is no evidence that
he did either, and one likes to think he did not.

(*Footnote. Mr. Masefield quotes one of Dampier's marginal notes on the
Sloane Manuscript 3236: "I came into these seas this second time more to
indulge my curiosity than to get wealth, though I must confess at that
time I did think the trade lawful.")

Although he was not an active buccaneer he seems to have done his duty by
his associates; at any rate no complaints against him in this respect are
recorded. He took his share in their strenuous labour whether afloat or
ashore, without mingling in their drinking bouts and quarrels; and all
the while he was carefully writing up his journal day by day, and adding
to his observations of nature. He affords a bright example of strength of
character in the pursuit of knowledge under the most adverse conditions.

What is most conspicuous in Dampier's writings is his modesty and
self-effacement; and I conclude that this, one of the hallmarks of a
gentleman, was his demeanour in conversation and society. He
unconsciously gives us a glimpse of his character when he tells us in
Chapter 3 of the pressing invitation which he had from the captain and
lieutenant of a French man-of-war to go back with them to France.
Evidently charmed with his conversation, they saw how different a man he
was from his ruffian associates. Though engaged in piracy he was always
in favour of justice, and thus writes of Captain Davis's men (he being a
Davis man himself) as being "so unreasonable that they would not allow
Captain Eaton's men an equal share with them in what they got"
(see below). It is a further tribute to his character that when he was at
home he had the patronage and help of Charles Montagu, Earl of Halifax,
and the friendship of such men as Sir Robert Southwell, a president of
the Royal Society, his son Edward Southwell, a Secretary of State for
Ireland, and Sir Hans Sloane, who showed his respect for Dampier by
having his portrait painted by Thomas Murray*--the face is that of a
grave, thoughtful and resolute man. Much the most interesting sidelight
on his social quality, however, is thrown by John Evelyn's record of his
dinner with Mr. Pepys on 6 August 1698:

"I dined with Mr. Pepys, where was Captain Dampier, who had been a famous
buccaneer, had brought hither the painted prince Job, and printed a
relation of his very strange adventure, and his observations. He was now
going abroad again by the King's encouragement, who furnished a ship of
290 tons. He seemed a more modest man than one would imagine by relation
of the crew he had assorted with. He brought a map of his observations of
the course of the winds in the South Seas, and assured us that the maps
hitherto extant were all false as to the Pacific Sea, which he makes on
the south of the line, that on the north end running by the coast of Peru
being extremely tempestuous."

(*Footnote. The picture now in the National Portrait Gallery is
reproduced here.)

It would seem that Evelyn expected to meet a swashbuckler and found a
modest and courteous gentleman, with perhaps much to tell of his life's
adventures, but for the moment chiefly concerned with his objection to
calling an ocean pacific unless it is so. How pleasant it would have been
for any person, however eminent, to have made a fourth at that dinner!

THE TEXT OF A NEW VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.

When we come to investigate the text of this delightful book we find some
difficulties which have to be met and solved. The story and the
scientific observations are undoubtedly Dampier's, for which he must have
the entire credit. It was however charged against him in his own day that
the literary style or polish was contributed by some unknown assistant or
collaborator. This was believed by Swift, who evidently loved Dampier and
was probably much influenced by him in his methods of narration as,
indeed, is indicated by his reference to Dampier as Lemuel Gulliver's
cousin. That Dampier had some aid in preparing his work for the press is
admitted by himself in the Preface to the Voyage to New Holland. He there
refers to the charge that he has "published things digested and drawn up
by others," and he retorts: "I think it so far a diminution to one of my
education and employment to have what I write revised and corrected by
friends; that on the contrary the best and most eminent authors are not
ashamed to own the same thing, and look upon it as an advantage."

It is difficult, if not impossible, now to discover the extent or nature
of the assistance which Dampier obtained. The "copy" of the voyage as
printed does not appear to exist, and the Sloane Manuscript account of it
is in the clear script of a copyist, the marginal notes only being in
Dampier's hand. The manuscript is much shorter than the printed book. It
comprises the story of the voyage, but lacks the observations in natural
history: on the other hand it includes (1) Wafer's account (taken "out of
his own writing") of his life among the Indians of the Isthmus, (2) the
account of the voyage of captain Swan before he joined Dampier's party,
and (3) the antecedent adventures of Captain Harris, all of which are
omitted from the book. A perplexing factor is that the Sloane Manuscript
contains in the copyist's writing the references (A) (B) etc., to the
marginal notes afterwards supplied by Dampier. Other marginal notes are
added, these indicated by a pointing hand. In some cases the marginal
note is incorporated in the book, in others disregarded. Sometimes, too,
a jotting from the journal as to an unimportant day's doing is omitted
from the book. In some places the printed book alters the manuscript in a
material point.* Thus the manuscript represents only one step in the
preparation of the book text. Being in a copyist's hand, it may be only a
fair copy of Dampier's not always quite legible writing: or it may be a
version of his journal with some little polish administered by a literary
friend. It is clear that his natural history notes were composed and kept
separately from his journal. They comprise observations made at various
places and at different and often subsequent periods of his travels: and
they are sometimes pitch-forked into the book at odd junctures.

(*Footnote. For instance (see below 30 April 1681) we read "that we might
the better work our escape from our enemies." In the manuscript the words
are "that we might the better work our designs on our enemies.")


...

A NEW VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.

Describing particularly

The Isthmus of America, Several Coasts and Islands in the West Indies,
the Isles of Cape Verde, the Passage by Tierra del Fuego, the South Sea
Coasts of Chile, Peru, and Mexico; the isle of Guam one of the Ladrones,
Mindanao, and other Philippine and East India Islands near Cambodia,
China, Formosa, Luconia, Celebes, etc. New Holland, Sumatra, Nicobar
Isles, the Cape of Good Hope, and St. Helena.

Their Soil, Rivers, Harbours, Plants, Fruits, Animals, and Inhabitants.

Their Customs, Religion, Government, Trade, etc.

...

VOLUME 1.

...

By Captain WILLIAM DAMPIER.

Illustrated with MAPS and DRAUGHTS.

The SEVENTH EDITION, Corrected.

LONDON:
Printed for JAMES and JOHN KNAPTON, at the
Crown in St. Paul's Churchyard. M DCC XXIX.

...


DEDICATION.


To the Right Honourable

Charles Montagu, Esquire;

President of the Royal Society,

One of the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury, etc.

SIR,

May it please you to pardon the boldness of a stranger to your person, if
upon the encouragement of common fame, he presumes so much upon your
candour, as to lay before you this account of his travels. As the scene
of them is not only remote, but for the most part little frequented also,
so there may be some things in them new even to you; and some, possibly,
not altogether unuseful to the public: and that just veneration which the
world pays, as to your general worth, so especially to that zeal for the
advancement of knowledge, and the interest of your country, which you
express upon all occasions, gives you a particular right to whatever may
any way tend to the promoting these interests, as an offering due to your
merit. I have not so much of the vanity of a traveller as to be fond of
telling stories, especially of this kind; nor can I think this plain
piece of mine deserves a place among your more curious collections: much
less have I the arrogance to use your name by way of patronage for the
too obvious faults, both of the author and the work. Yet dare I avow,
according to my narrow sphere and poor abilities, a hearty zeal for the
promoting of useful knowledge, and of anything that may never so remotely
tend to my country's advantage: and I must own an ambition of
transmitting to the public through your hands these essays I have made
toward those great ends, of which you are so deservedly esteemed the
patron. This has been my design in this publication, being desirous to
bring in my gleanings here and there in remote regions to that general
magazine of the knowledge of foreign parts, which the Royal Society
thought you most worthy the custody of, when they chose you for their
President: and if in perusing these papers your goodness shall so far
distinguish the experience of the author from his faults as to judge him
capable of serving his country, either immediately, or by serving you, he
will endeavour by some real proofs to show himself,

SIR,

Your Most Faithful,

Devoted, Humble Servant,

W. Dampier.

...


PREFACE

Before the reader proceed any further in the perusal of this work I must
bespeak a little of his patience here to take along with him this short
account of it. It is composed of a mixed relation of places and actions
in the same order of time in which they occurred: for which end I kept a
journal of every day's observations.

In the description of places, their product, etc., I have endeavoured to
give what satisfaction I could to my countrymen; though possibly to the
describing several things that may have been much better accounted for by
others: choosing to be more particular than might be needful, with
respect to the intelligent reader, rather than to omit what I thought
might tend to the information of persons no less sensible and
inquisitive, though not so learned or experienced. For which reason my
chief care has been to be as particular as was consistent with my
intended brevity in setting down such observables as I met with. Nor have
I given myself any great trouble since my return to compare my
discoveries with those of others: the rather because, should it so happen
that I have described some places or things which others have done before
me, yet in different accounts, even of the same things, it can hardly be
but there will be some new light afforded by each of them. But after all,
considering that the main of this voyage has its scene laid in long
tracts of the remoter parts both of the East and West Indies, some of
which very seldom visited by Englishmen, and others as rarely by any
Europeans, I may without vanity encourage the reader to expect many
things wholly new to him, and many others more fully described than he
may have seen elsewhere; for which not only in this voyage, though itself
of many years continuance, but also several former long and distant
voyages have qualified me.

As for the actions of the company among whom I made the greatest part of
this voyage, a thread of which I have carried on through it, it is not to
divert the reader with them that I mention them, much less that I take
any pleasure in relating them: but for method's sake, and for the
reader's satisfaction; who could not so well acquiesce in my description
of places, etc., without knowing the particular traverses I made among
them; nor in these, without an account of the concomitant circumstances:
besides, that I would not prejudice the truth and sincerity of my
relation, though by omissions only. And as for the traverses themselves,
they make for
the reader's advantage, how little soever for mine; since thereby I have
been the better enabled to gratify his curiosity; as one who rambles
about a country can give usually a better account of it than a carrier
who jogs on to his inn without ever going out of his road.

As to my style, it cannot be expected that a seaman should affect
politeness; for were I able to do it, yet I think I should be little
solicitous about it in a work of this nature. I have frequently indeed
divested myself of sea-phrases to gratify the land reader; for which the
seamen will hardly forgive me: and yet, possibly, I shall not seem
complaisant enough to the other; because I still retain the use of so
many sea-terms. I confess I have not been at all scrupulous in this
matter, either as to the one or the other of these; for I am persuaded
that, if what I say be intelligible, it matters not greatly in what words
it is expressed.

For the same reason I have not been curious as to the spelling of the
names of places, plants, fruits, animals, etc., which in any of these
remoter parts are given at the pleasure of travellers, and vary according
to their different humours: neither have I confined myself to such names
as are given by learned authors, or so much as enquired after many of
them. I write for my countrymen; and have therefore, for the most part,
used such names as are familiar to our English seamen, and those of our
colonies abroad, yet without neglecting others that occurred. As it might
suffice me to have given such names and descriptions as I could I shall
leave to those of more leisure and opportunity the trouble of comparing
these with those which other authors have assigned.

The reader will find as he goes along some references to an appendix
which I once designed to this book; as, to a chapter about the winds in
different parts of the world; to a description of the Bay of Campeachy in
the West Indies, where I lived long in a former voyage; and to a
particular chorographical description of all the South Sea coast of
America, partly from a Spanish manuscript, and partly from my own and
other travellers' observations, besides those contained in this book. But
such an appendix would have swelled it too unreasonably: and therefore I
chose rather to publish it hereafter by itself, as opportunity shall
serve. And the same must be said also as to a particular voyage from
Achin in the isle of Sumatra, to Tonquin, Malacca, etc., which should
have been inserted as part of this general one; but it would have been
too long, and therefore, omitting it for the present, I have carried on
this, next way from Sumatra to England; and so made the tour of the world
correspondent to the title.

For the better apprehending the course of the voyage and the situation of
the places mentioned in it I have caused several maps to be engraven, and
some particular charts of my own composure. Among them there is in the
map of the American Isthmus, a new scheme of the adjoining Bay of Panama
and its islands, which to some may seem superfluous after that which Mr.
Ringrose has published in the History of the Buccaneers; and which he
offers as a very exact chart. I must needs disagree with him in that, and
doubt not but this which I here publish will be found more agreeable to
that bay, by one who shall have opportunity to examine it; for it is a
contraction of a larger map which I took from several stations in the bay
itself. The reader may judge how well I was able to do it by my several
traverses about it, mentioned in this book; those, particularly, which
are described in the 7th chapter, which I have caused to be marked out
with a pricked line; as the course of my voyage is generally in all the
maps, for the reader's more easy tracing it.

I have nothing more to add, but that there are here and there some
mistakes made as to expression and the like, which will need a favourable
correction as they occur upon reading. For instance, the log of wood
lying out at some distance from sides of the boats described at Guam, and
parallel to their keel, which for distinction's sake I have called the
little boat, might more clearly and properly have been called the side
log, or by some such name; for though fashioned at the bottom and ends
boatwise, yet is not hollow at top, but solid throughout. In other places
also I may not have expressed myself so fully as I ought: but any
considerable omission that I shall recollect or be informed of I shall
endeavour to make up in those accounts I have yet to publish; and for any
faults I leave the reader to the joint use of his judgment and candour.

...


THE INTRODUCTION.

THE AUTHOR'S DEPARTURE FROM ENGLAND, AND ARRIVAL IN JAMAICA.

I first set out of England on this voyage at the beginning of the year
1679, in the Loyal Merchant of London, bound for Jamaica, Captain Knapman
Commander. I went a passenger, designing when I came thither to go from
thence to the Bay of Campeachy in the Gulf of Mexico, to cut log-wood:
where in a former voyage I had spent about three years in that employ;
and so was well acquainted with the place and the work.

We sailed with a prosperous gale without any impediment or remarkable
passage in our voyage: unless that when we came in sight of the island
Hispaniola, and were coasting along on the south side of it by the little
isles of Vacca, or Ash, I observed Captain Knapman was more vigilant than
ordinary, keeping at a good distance off shore, for fear of coming too
near those small low islands; as he did once, in a voyage from England,
about the year 1673, losing his ship there, by the carelessness of his
mates. But we succeeded better; and arrived safe at Port Royal in Jamaica
some time in April 1679, and went immediately ashore.

I had brought some goods with me from England which I intended to sell
here, and stock myself with rum and sugar, saws, axes, hats, stockings,
shoes, and such other commodities, as I knew would sell among the
Campeachy log-wood-cutters. Accordingly I sold my English cargo at Port
Royal; but upon some maturer considerations of my intended voyage to
Campeachy I changed my thoughts of that design, and continued at Jamaica
all that year in expectation of some other business.

I shall not trouble the reader with my observations at that isle, so well
known to Englishmen; nor with the particulars of my own affairs during my
stay there. But in short, having there made a purchase of a small estate
in Dorsetshire, near my native country of Somerset, of one whose title to
it I was well assured of, I was just embarking myself for England, about
Christmas 1679, when one Mr. Hobby invited me to go first a short trading
voyage to the country of the Moskitos, of whom I shall speak in my first
chapter. I was willing to get up some money before my return, having laid
out what I had at Jamaica; so I sent the writing of my new purchase along
with the same friends whom I should have accompanied to England, and went
on board Mr. Hobby.

Soon after our setting out we came to an anchor again in Negril Bay, at
the west end of Jamaica; but finding there Captain Coxon, Sawkins, Sharp,
and other privateers, Mr. Hobby's men all left him to go with them upon
an expedition they had contrived, leaving not one with him beside myself;
and being thus left alone, after three or four days' stay with Mr. Hobby
I was the more easily persuaded to go with them too.

HIS FIRST GOING OVER THE ISTHMUS OF AMERICA INTO THE SOUTH SEAS.

It was shortly after Christmas 1679 when we set out. The first expedition
was to Portobello; which being accomplished it was resolved to march by
land over the Isthmus of Darien upon some new adventures in the South
Seas. Accordingly on the 5th of April 1680 we went ashore on the Isthmus,
near Golden Island, one of the Samballoes, to the number of between three
and four hundred men, carrying with us such provisions as were necessary,
and toys wherewith to gratify the wild Indians through whose country we
were to pass. In about nine days' march we arrived at Santa Maria and
took it, and after a stay there of about three days we went on to the
South Sea coast, and there embarked ourselves in such canoes and periagos
as our Indian friends furnished us withal. We were in sight of Panama by
the 23rd of April, and having in vain attempted Puebla Nova, before which
Sawkins, then commander in chief, and others, were killed, we made some
stay at the neighbouring isles of Quibo.

HIS COASTING PERU AND CHILE, AND BACK AGAIN, TO HIS PARTING WITH CAPTAIN
SHARP NEAR THE ISLE OF PLATA, IN ORDER TO RETURN OVERLAND.

Here we resolved to change our course and stand away to the southward for
the coast of Peru. Accordingly we left the keys or isles of Quibo the 6th
of June, and spent the rest of the year in that southern course; for,
touching at the isles of Gorgona and Plata, we came to Ylo, a small town
on the coast of Peru, and took it. This was in October, and in November
we went thence to Coquimbo on the same coast, and about Christmas were
got as far as the isle of Juan Fernandez, which was the farthest of our
course to the southward.

After Christmas we went back again to the northward, having a design upon
Arica, a strong town advantageously situated in the hollow of the elbow,
or bending, of the Peruvian coast. But being there repulsed with great
loss, we continued our course northward, till by the middle of April we
were come in sight of the isle of Plata, a little to the southward of the
Equinoctial Line.

I have related this part of my voyage thus summarily and concisely, as
well because the world has accounts of it already, in the relations that
Mr. Ringrose and others have given of Captain Sharp's expedition,
who was made chief commander upon Sawkins' being killed; as also because
in the prosecution of this voyage I shall come to speak of these parts
again, upon occasion of my going the second time into the South Seas: and
shall there describe at large the places both of the North and South
America as they occurred to me. And for this reason, that I might avoid
needless repetitions, and hasten to such particulars as the public has
hitherto had no account of, I have chosen to comprise the relation of my
voyage hitherto in this short compass, and place it as an Introduction
before the rest, that the reader may the better perceive where I mean to
begin to be particular; for there I have placed the title of my first
chapter.

All therefore that I have to add to the Introduction is this; that, while
we lay at the isle of Juan Fernandez, Captain Sharp was, by general
consent, displaced from being commander; the company being not satisfied
either with his courage or behaviour. In his stead Captain Watling was
advanced: but, he being killed shortly after before Arica, we were
without a commander during all the rest of our return towards Plata. Now
Watling being killed, a great number of the meaner sort began to be as
earnest for choosing Captain Sharp again into the vacancy as before they
had been as forward as any to turn him out: and on the other side the
abler and more experienced men, being altogether dissatisfied with
Sharp's former conduct, would by no means consent to have him chosen. In
short, by that time we were come in sight of the island Plata, the
difference between the contending parties was grown so high that they
resolved to part companies; having first made an agreement that, which
party soever should upon polling appear to have the majority, they should
keep the ship: and the other should content themselves with the launch,
or longboat, and canoes, and return back over the Isthmus, or go to seek
their fortune other-ways, as they would.

Accordingly we put it to the vote; and, upon dividing, Captain Sharp's
party carried it. I, who had never been pleased with his management,
though I had hitherto kept my mind to myself, now declared myself on the
side of those that were out-voted; and, according to our agreement, we
took our shares of such necessaries as were fit to carry overland with us
(for that was our resolution) and so prepared for our departure.

...


WILLIAM DAMPIER'S NEW VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.


CHAPTER 1.

1681.

AN ACCOUNT OF THE AUTHOR'S RETURN OUT OF THE SOUTH SEAS, TO HIS LANDING
NEAR CAPE ST. LAWRENCE, IN THE ISTHMUS OF DARIEN: WITH AN OCCASIONAL
DESCRIPTION OF THE MOSKITO INDIANS.

April the 17th 1681, about ten o'clock in the morning, being 12 leagues
north-west from the island Plata, we left Captain Sharp and those who
were willing to go with him in the ship and embarked into our launch and
canoes, designing for the river of Santa Maria, in the Gulf of St.
Michael, which is about 200 leagues from the isle of Plata. We were in
number 44 white men who bore arms, a Spanish Indian who bore arms also;
and two Moskito Indians who always bear arms amongst the privateers and
are much valued by them for striking fish, and turtle or tortoise, and
manatee or sea-cow; and five slaves taken in the South Seas, who fell to
our share.

The craft which carried us was a launch, or longboat, one canoe, and
another canoe which had been sawn asunder in the middle in order to have
made bumkins, or vessels for carrying water, if we had not separated from
our ship. This we joined together again and made it tight; providing
sails to help us along: and for 3 days before we parted we sifted so much
flower as we could well carry, and rubbed up 20 or 30 pound of chocolate
with sugar to sweeten it; these things and a kettle the slaves carried
also on their backs after we landed. And, because there were some who
designed to go with us that we knew were not well able to march, we gave
out that if any man faltered in the journey overland he must expect to be
shot to death; for we knew that the Spaniards would soon be after us, and
one man falling into their hands might be the ruin of us all by giving an
account of our strength and condition; yet this would not deter them from
going with us. We had but little wind when we parted from the ship; but
before 12 o'clock the sea-breeze came in strong, which was like to
founder us before we got in with the shore; for our security therefore we
cut up an old dry hide that we brought with us, and barricaded the launch
all round with it to keep the water out. About 10 o'clock at night we got
in about 7 leagues to windward of Cape Passao under the Line, and then it
proved calm; and we lay and drove all night, being fatigued the preceding
day. The 18th day we had little wind till the afternoon; and then we made
sail, standing along the shore to the northward, having the wind at
south-south-west and fair weather.

At 7 o'clock we came abreast of Cape Passao and found a small bark at an
anchor in a small bay to leeward of the cape, which we took, our own
boats being too small to transport us. We took her just under the
Equinoctial Line, she was not only a help to us, but in taking her we
were safe from being described: we did not design to have meddled with
any when we parted with our consorts, nor to have seen any if we could
have helped it. The bark came from Gallo laden with timber, and was bound
for Guayaquil.

The 19th day in the morning we came to an anchor about 12 leagues to the
southward of Cape San Francisco to put our new bark into a better trim.
In 3 or 4 hours time we finished our business, and came to sail again,
and steered along the coast with the wind at south-south-west, intending
to touch at Gorgona.

Being to the northward of Cape San Francisco we met with very wet
weather; but the wind continuing we arrived at Gorgona the 24th day in
the morning, before it was light; we were afraid to approach it in the
daytime for fear the Spaniards should lie there for us, it being the
place where we careened lately, and there they might expect us.

When we came ashore we found the Spaniards had been there to seek after
us, by a house they had built, which would entertain 100 men, and by a
great cross before the doors. This was token enough that the Spaniards
did expect us this day again; therefore we examined our prisoners if they
knew anything of it, who confessed they had heard of a periago (or large
canoe) that rowed with 14 oars, which was kept in a river on the Main,
and once in 2 or three days came over to Gorgona purposely to see for us;
and that having discovered us, she was to make all speed to Panama with
the news; where they had three ships ready to send after us.

We lay here all the day, and scrubbed our new bark, that if ever we
should be chased we might the better escape: we filled our water and in
the evening went from thence, having the wind at south-west a brisk gale.

The 25th day we had much wind and rain, and we lost the canoe that had
been cut and was joined together; we would have kept all our canoes to
carry us up the river, the bark not being so convenient.

The 27th day we went from thence with a moderate gale of wind at
south-west. In the afternoon we had excessive showers of rain.

The 28th day was very wet all the morning; betwixt 10 and 11 it cleared
up and we saw two great ships about a league and a half to the westward
of us, we being then two leagues from the shore, and about 10 leagues to
the southward of point Garrachina. These ships had been cruising between
Gorgona and the Gulf 6 months; but whether our prisoners did know it I
cannot tell.

We presently furled our sails and rowed in close under the shore, knowing
that they were cruisers; for if they had been bound to Panama this wind
would have carried them thither; and no ships bound from Panama come on
this side of the bay, but keep the north side of the bay till as far as
the keys of Quibo to the westward; and then if they are bound to the
southward they stand over and may fetch Gallo, or betwixt it and Cape San
Francisco.

The glare did not continue long before it rained again, and kept us from
the fight of each other: but if they had seen and chased us we were
resolved to run our bark and canoes ashore, and take ourselves to the
mountains and travel overland; for we knew that the Indians which lived
in these parts never had any commerce with the Spaniards; so we might
have had a chance for our lives.

The 29th day at 9 o'clock in the morning we came to an anchor at Point
Garrachina, about 7 leagues from the Gulf of St. Michael, which was the
place where we first came into the South Seas, and the way by which we
designed to return.

Here we lay all the day, and went ashore and dried our clothes, cleaned
our guns, dried our ammunition, and fixed ourselves against our enemies,
if we should be attacked; for we did expect to find some opposition at
landing: we likewise kept a good lookout all the day, for fear of those
two ships that we saw the day before.

The 30th day in the morning at 8 o'clock we came into the Gulf of St.
Michael's mouth; for we put from Point Garrachina in the evening,
designing to have reached the islands in the gulf before day; that we
might the better work our escape from our enemies, if we should find any
of them waiting to stop our passage.

About 9 o'clock we came to an anchor a mile without a large island, which
lies 4 miles from the mouth of the river; we had other small islands
without us, and might have gone up into the river, having a strong tide
of flood, but would not adventure farther till we had looked well about
us.

We immediately sent a canoe ashore on the island, where we saw (what we
always feared) a ship at the mouth of the river, lying close by the
shore, and a large tent by it, by which we found it would be a hard task
for us to escape them.

When the canoe came aboard with this news some of our men were a little
disheartened; but it was no more than I ever expected.

Our care was now to get safe overland, seeing we could not land here
according to our desire: therefore before the tide of flood was spent we
manned our canoe and rowed again to the island to see if the enemy was
yet in motion. When we came ashore we dispersed ourselves all over the
island to prevent our enemies from coming any way to view us; and
presently after high-water we saw a small canoe coming over from the ship
to the island that we were on; which made us all get into our canoe and
wait their coming; and we lay close till they came within pistol-shot of
us, and then, being ready, we started out and took them. There were in
her one white man and two Indians; who being examined told us that the
ship which we saw at the river's mouth had lain there six months,
guarding the river, waiting for our coming; that she had 12 guns and 150
seamen and soldiers: that the seamen all lay aboard, but the soldiers lay
ashore in their tents; that there were 300 men at the mines, who had all
small arms, and would he aboard in two tides' time. They likewise told us
that there